




I 


• • 







PRESENTED BY 









I 










X 






* 









» 

































' 































































































y 


























































WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND 
WORK OF GUTZKOW 


OTTO P. SCHINNERER 

Sometime Carl Schurz Fellow in German 
Columbia University 


Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements 
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 
in the Faculty of Philosophy, 

Columbia University 


COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 

1924 



I 


Columbia IHntoensitp <f§trmanit g>tubie« 


WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK 
OF GUTZKOW 


(_OjQ 

aLo 



COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 

Columbia University 
New York 


SALES AGENTS 
HUMPHREY MILFORD 
Amen Corner, E.C. 
London 

EDWARD EVANS & SONS, Ltd. 
30 North Szechuen Road 
Shanghai 







WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND 
WORK OF GUTZKOW 


$y 

OTTO P. SCHINNERER 

i\ 

Sometime Carl Schurz Fellow in German 
Columbia University 


Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements 
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 
in the Faculty of Philosophy, 

Columbia University 


Jleto §?ork 

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 

1924 


f z*?* s z. 

< ij I* (S* 
/*fZu4 A. 


Copyright, 1924, 

By Columbia University Press 


Printed from type. Published June, 1924 



xp 

c\> 



\s 

<rb 



PREFACE 


The author’s interest in Gutzkow dates back to the fall of 
1913 when, as a graduate student in the University of Illinois 
under Professor O. E. Lessing, in a course on the History of 
German Literature in the 19th Century, he was asked to present 
a paper on “ Wolfgang Menzel als Denunziant.” The writer’s 
general investigation at that time convinced him of Gutzkow’s 
relative innocence of the various charges made against him by 
Menzel. Interest in this subject, however, was supplanted by 
others and no further researches were made along these lines 
until Professor Robert Herndon Fife, in the fall of 1920, pointed 
out to the author the need of a comprehensive study of 
Gutzkow’s reactions toward woman and the problem of wo¬ 
man’s emancipation. An examination of the Gutzkow litera¬ 
ture made it clear that the lack of such a study constituted a 
serious gap in an important epoch of German literature. 

During his sojourn in Berlin in the winter of 1921-1922 the 
author was enabled to consult, in the State and University 
libraries, the files of the various journals edited by Gutzkow. 
Here he also had the great privilege of meeting Dr. H. H. 
Houben, the eminent authority on Gutzkow, whose courtesy 
in discussing with the writer the general outlines of this in¬ 
vestigation and whose great kindness in showing him the 
matchless collection of his private library will ever be a source 
of pleasure and gratitude. 

The author’s manuscript had the benefit of the mature advice 
of Professor H. H. L. Schulze and of Professor F. W. J. 
Heuser, both of whom made many valuable suggestions. The 
latter has also given of his valuable time for the arduous task 
of proof-reading. But more than to anyone else the writer 


v 


VI 


PREFACE 


wishes to acknowledge his deep indebtedness to Professor 
Robert Herndon Fife, without whose inspiration, constant en¬ 
couragement and numerous and invaluable suggestions this 
monograph would never have been completed. 

O. P. S. 

New York City 
May, 1924 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction . ix 

Chap. I. Gutzkow’s Personal Relations with Women i 

Chap. II. The Reflection of Gutzkow’s Experiences 

in his Work . 33 

Chap. III. Woman’s Emancipation and Free Love ... 72 

Conclusion . 111 

Bibliography . 125 


vii 







INTRODUCTION 


In a certain sense all great literature is self-revelation and 
self- expression. In some cases the poet in his sovereign capac¬ 
ity as creator selects or constructs his raw material at will 
and then proceeds by virtue of his divine power to instill in 
it the breath of his own life. In other cases the raw material 
itself is part and parcel of the author’s own life which he 
utilizes, transforms, and adapts to his particular purpose. 

Many of Gutzkow’s works are “ confessions,” in which we 
can clearly distinguish the groundwork of personal experiences 
from the superimposed structure of the invented fable. In 
authors like Goethe and Hebbel we take this as a matter of 
course. But in Gutzkow it is somewhat surprising, because 
after all he was more a man of reason and understanding than 
of emotion and impulse. With his keen interest in all the 
burning questions of the day, with his predominantly journalis¬ 
tic and critical activity, with the didactic purpose in so many of 
his works, we hardly expect to find, in the plots and char¬ 
acters of his dramas and fiction, a portrayal of his own inner 
problems and conflicts. Furthermore, Gutzkow was an ex¬ 
tremely prolific author, who in the sixty-seven years of his 
life wrote more than Goethe 1 and in view of his preoccupation 
with practical affairs necessarily had to produce very rapidly. 
For these reasons, as Houben has pointed out, 2 the view has 
been current that Gutzkow, a clever and brilliant writer, simply 
manufactured his works, so to speak, without any very deep 
personal interest in them. Nevertheless, a closer study of his 
works, and an examination of his letters and notebooks reveal 

1 Cf. Houben, Gutskow-Funde, Berlin, 1901, p. VI. 

2 Ibid., 281. 


IX 


X 


WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 


a highly interesting mixture of truth and poetry in many of 
his plays and novels. 

Nowhere does this blend of reality and fiction appear in such 
interesting forms as in our author’s attitude toward women. 
Here is a field where the events of his life gave rise to earnest 
and ardent efforts to incorporate his ideas in theoretical as 
well as imaginative forms. Not merely are the sex problems 
treated and the female types portrayed by Gutzkow based on 
his experiences, but his views of woman and of woman’s eman¬ 
cipation are also determined and colored by these experiences. 
This fact is of especial importance for an understanding of 
his mental background during the year 1835, when he shocked 
his contemporaries by the publication of his Vorrede zu 
ScMeiermachers Vertrauten Briefen iiber die Lucinde and 
Wally, die Zweiflerin. 

In the first chapter, therefore, we shall review the facts of 
Gutzkow’s personal relations with women, so far as they have 
become available. Our account will be based primarily on 
Gutzkow’s autobiographical writings and on his published 
correspondence. For supplementary information we shall draw 
on the works of Houben, Proelss, Wehl, and Gensel. It must 
be stated at the outset, however, that much of Gutzkow’s 
correspondence is still inaccessible. Prof. Dr. Houben has in¬ 
formed the author that he has in his possession several thousand 
letters which have not been published, that Gutzkow’s letters 
to Therese have never been recovered, and that Therese’s 
letters to Gutzkow, although in the hands of the latter’s heirs, 
have not been made available for the Gutzkow student. Within 
these limits the present investigation aims to be more complete 
than any studies heretofore made. 

In the light of the knowledge gained by this investigation 
we shall then proceed, in the second chapter, to examine Gutz¬ 
kow’s works and seek to show that they reflect faithfully his 


INTRODUCTION 


XI 


changing experiences. This will be done in chronological order 
as far as practicable. However, we shall not consider Wally, 
die Zweiflerin in that chapter, because it does not, in the same 
sense as his other works, reflect his experiences directly in its 
conflict and characters. It also entails a discussion of many 
other phases of his life and work. This will be reserved for 
the third chapter, which is to be a comprehensive investigation 
of Gutzkow’s attitude towards woman’s emancipation and free 
love, not merely during the critical period of his life when he 
published Wally, but also during the years preceding and fol¬ 
lowing it. In tracing here in detail the various influences which 
caused him to proclaim his radical opinions on love and mar¬ 
riage, we shall take occasion to point out the bearing of his per¬ 
sonal fates on this whole question. 






















% 









































WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF 
GUTZKOW 


CHAPTER I 

GUTZKOW’S PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH 
WOMEN 

In tracing and describing Gutzkow’s personal relations with 
women, with a view to determining the influence they had on 
his thought and work, we must not overlook the primary re¬ 
lationship between mother and son. An incidental remark 
in one of his stories is very illuminating on this point: " What 
we men so often hate in the other sex is due—who will deny 
it?—to our experiences with fiancees and wives; but what we 
truly love in women is due to the recollection of our mother 
or of a sister, who stood the test of unselfishness.” 1 The 
frequent references to his mother in his autobiographical writ¬ 
ings likewise bear witness to his profound love and admiration 
for her. 

She is described by him in Aus der Knabenzeit as the op¬ 
posite of his father, who had a restless adventurous spirit, a 
passionate temper, who was full of enthusiasm, easily roused 
to anger, but quickly reconciled and appeased. 2 Compared 
with him she was “ die Masshaltende, Besonnene, Verniinftige, 
Ziigelnde und Lenkende.” 3 

She was able to read, but had never acquired the art of 

1 Der Emporblick. H. H. Houben, Karl Gutzkows Ausgewdhlte 
Werke, Leipzig, no date, VI, 124. 

2 Ibid., X, si. 

3 Ibid., 61. 


1 



2 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

writing. Her vision was limited, her knowledge of the world 
did not extend beyond her immediate environment. But within 
her proper sphere she was practical, level-headed, efficient. The 
management of the meagre family income was in her hands, 
the father merely being allowed to draw a small daily sum for 
his personal needs. 4 

Gutzkow emphasizes the fact that she was a plain woman 
of the people, fundamentally sound, upright and honest. Her 
lack of education was compensated for by natural shrewdness 
and practical common-sense. “ Sie kam von den Prinzipien der 
Stabilitat her.” 5 All the relatives on his mother’s side—she 
was the oldest of eighteen children—“ hatten etwas Sinniges, 
Sanftes, Geregeltes, Feines, Bescheidenes.” 6 

Gutzkow’s home training fell largely to her lot. In the 
midst of her household duties she found little time for sys¬ 
tematic moral guidance. She would frequently give way to 
outbursts of irritation and mete out severe punishments. But 
in case of need, in sickness and other troubles, she would out¬ 
do herself in giving aid and advice; she would be all love and 
devotion. 7 

She was a pious soul, but not so narrowly dogmatic as her 
husband. Where the father spoke only in terms of severest 
condemnation, as of suicides, for instance, she would be more 
charitable and invoke the grace of God. 8 

She even had words of sympathy for Sand, the murderer 
of Kotzebue, whom our author’s father could mention only 
with extreme abhorrence. 9 Likewise, when his father in¬ 
veighed against the theatre, which in his narrow pietism he 
considered the work of Satan, the mother would be more 

4 Idem. 

5 Ibid., 51. 

6 Ibid., 52. 

7 Ibid., 60. 

8 Ibid., 79. 

9 Ibid., 133. 


GUTZKOW’s PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 3 

tolerant and point to the fact that even the King went to the 
theatre. 10 

On the whole she was a loving mother, devoted to her 
children, living in accordance with the light vouchsafed to 
her. In later years, when his own bitter experiences with 
fiancees and wives threatened to undermine Gutzkow’s faith 
in women, it was undoubtedly the recollection of his mother 
which softened his views of womankind. He was probably 
thinking principally of his mother wheii he wrote to Alexander 
Weill on January 5, 1843: " All that you write me about my 
parents and my sister is truly soothing to me. How it often 
grieves me that I must mean so little in the lives of these 
good people- . . . The emancipation of children from their 
parents is one of the most cruel of all.” 11 
At the same time, however, he was an involuntary witness 
of many quarrels and violent disputes between his parents, 
and was early made to realize that married life is not neces¬ 
sarily all sweetness and harmony. He has vividly described 
such a scene: 

“ Nicht angstlicher konnen die Vogel vor dem Sturm flattern, als 
ein Kinderherz bangt, wenn die Wolken ehelichen Unfriedens her- 
aufziehen, die Leidenschaften schon im voraus zu plankeln anfangen, 
noch nicht einmal pelotonweise losstiirmen. Kommen dann aber die 
vollen Salven, die Kreuzfeuer, Ladung auf Ladung, o wie fliegen da 
die jammernden Friedensstifter hin und her und beschworen die 
Parteien bei alien Himmeln, bei alien Paradiesen, abzulassen von so 
schnoder, wilder Menschennatur, die selbst Eltern, naschst Gott den 
heiligsten Begriff, entstellen kann! Mit der Zeit freilich kommt die 
Gewohnung, die Gewohnung selbst an ein solches Familienunheil.” 12 

His uncle Christian likewise did not hesitate to relate his mat¬ 
rimonial difficulties. 13 Such scenes and accounts were not 

10 Ibid., 226. 

11 Alexander Weill, Brief e hervorragender verstorbener Manner 
Deutschlands, Zurich, 1889, 27 f. 

12 Houben, W., X, 96. 

13 Ibid., 159. 


4 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

calculated to develop excessive idealism in a young boy with 
regard to the relation of the sexes. 

His innocence in sexual matters received a rude shock, when 
in his tenth or eleventh year his older brother, a soldier in the 
artillery, had a frank talk with him. 14 This brother was plain- 
spoken in regard to his own numerous love affairs. “ The red 
thread of love and the charms of women running through such 
stories did by no means escape the child’s attention. All this 
had a certain indefinable influence with questionable conse¬ 
quences.” 15 

It will serve no particular purpose to attempt to establish 
the identity of various girls who attracted Gutzkow during his 
boyhood years. These were innocent affairs, adoration and 
worship from a distance without even an exchange of words, 
and of short duration. “ The schoolboy’s infatuations fortu¬ 
nately do not last very long. Love and Passow’s Greek diction¬ 
ary are not compatible.” 16 It is merely interesting to note that 
even before he entered the Gymnasium his affections were 
divided between two girls, one in the world of poverty, the 
world of his parents, the other in the world of wealth, as 
represented by his benefactor Minter, 17 a situation we shall 
meet with again both in his life and in his works. 

The first serious complication, an involuntary engagement, 
came in 1829, during his first year at the University, when he 
was only eighteen years old. In his Riickblicke auf mein 
Leben he suddenly interrupts the account of his literary develop¬ 
ment by the confession that he was early susceptible to the 
charms of the other sex, and that love absorbed fully half of 
his interests during this period: 

14 Ibid., 170. 

™Ibid., 184. 

16 Ibid., 235. 

17 Ibid., 190. 


GUTZKOW’S PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 5 

“ Das Gefiihl der Vereinsamung eines gegen den Strom Schwim- 
menden, der Druck, welcher immer und immer auf dem verkannten 
Gemiit lastete, der Mangel an ausserem Gliick kam diesem Zuge des 
Herzens und—der Sinne entgegen. . . . Friihe schon hatte ich gegen die 
Rabbinenweisheit der Entsagung und Selbstkasteiung geeifert, hatte in 
Heinrich Heines Unterscheidung zwischen den beiden Lebensprinzipien, 
dem Nazarenertum und dem Hellenismus, 1 ' 8 einen seiner Lichtblicke 
gefunden, hatte das, was sich die Menschen ihre Tugend nennen und an 
sich und an andern glorifizieren, so oft nur fur eine korperlich bedingte 
Empfindungslosigkeit und Stumpfheit der Nerven, nach spateren Erfah- 
rungen fur die Alleinbeschaftigung mit ihrem Ehrgeiz, die Narzis- 
susgeniige an der Widerspiegelung ihres geliebten Ich erkannt. . . . 
Friih schloss ich leidenschaftliche Freundschaften. . . . Frauen gegeniiber 
fiihlt dann freilich der Jiingling nicht Freundschaft, sondern sofort 
Liebe. In dem Spiegel eines Madchenauges fangt sich ihm die ganze 
Welt. Und sie fangt sich ihm nur in harmonischer Schone. Des Mondes 
blasses Licht, das Gefliister einer vertrauenden Seele beim Wandeln unter 
den sanftbewegten Wipfeln eines Baumganges, die Beratschlagungen uber 
kunftige, vielleicht schon gemeinsam gewordene Lebensziele—in. diese 
bestrickenden Zauber, die nicht minder von Neander, Schleiermacher, 
Boeckh, Lachmann abzogen, war ich allzufruhe geraten. Der erste 
Teil meiner Seraphine ist selbsterlebt. Die dort geschilderte Beklagens- 
werte hiess Leopoldine Spohn.” 19 

This is the only reference to this episode to be found in 
Gutzkow’s reminiscences, but the account of it in Seraphine is 
clear enough to give us the principal facts . 20 If, therefore, 
in accordance with Gutzkow’s confession , 21 we identify him 

18 Heine’s work here referred to, Zur Geschichte der Religion und 
Philosophie in Deutschland, did not appear until 1834. 

19 Houben, W., XI, 23 ff. 

20 Cf. also Houben, Gutzkow-Funde, p. 15. 

21 Cf. also the confession in the concluding paragraph of Seraphine: 
“Arme Seraphine! Was drangte mich, das Bild deines Lebens vor 
allem Volke aufzurollen und dein gebrochenes Herz, als ein Kunstwerk, 
von Handen anatomieren zu lassen, die nichts daran schonen werden, 
weil sie es fur Dichtung halten, da es doch eitel Schmerz und Wahrheit 
ist, Wahrheit, die du erlebtest, und Schmerz, den ich selber—soil ich 
nun Edmund oder Arthur sein—mitgeduldet und mitgeschaffen habe! 
. . . Wirklichkeit war es, wie das nachtliche Rauschen meiner Feder 
jetzt auf dem weissen Papiere, Wirklichkeit wie die Uhr, die da eben 
draussen eine Stunde nach Mitternacht schlagt! Es musste abgetan 
werden!” ( Gesammelte Werke, Frankfurt a.M., 1845, III, 266 f.) 


2 


6 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

with Arthur Stahl, the hero in the novel, we get the following 
account: Gutzkow had joined one of the singing societies, 
which were popular at that time, 22 and there had met a charm¬ 
ing young girl, “ with rosy cheeks, dark hair and blue eyes,” 
with whom he fell in love almost at first sight. But she was 
indifferent and did not reciprocate his feelings. He was 
favored, however, by another girl, Leopoldine Spohn, who was 
far less attractive, but of more than average intelligence. She 
was temperamental and her ideas were somewhat confused and 
eccentric. One day, when the whole group was off on a 
picnic in the country, he had withdrawn from the others, 
vexed and sad because of his unrequited love. Leopoldine 
now approached him and engaged him in a conversation. 
Her unconventional manner appealed to him and he remained 
her companion for the rest of the day. She then opened her 
heart to him and with tears in her eyes confessed how unhappy 
she was, how the ill-treatment received at the hands of her 
step-mother made her life miserable. Gutzkow, carried away 
by compassion, sought to comfort her and offered her his 
protection. The following morning he repeated these senti¬ 
ments in an extravagant letter, intoxicated by his own words. 
She, however, considered his effusions a declaration of love 
and without much ado introduced him to her family as her 
fiance. He was too much taken aback to protest, but his 
surprise grew still greater when he recognized in Leopoldine’s 
step-sister his real and true love. 28 

We may feel inclined to consider it a humorous situation, 
but for Gutzkow it was a serious and tragic matter. This 
state of affairs continued for many weeks. He felt in duty 
bound to adhere to the engagement, while he was consumed by 

22 The Morgenblatt published, April 11-16, 1833, a “ Bambocciade ” 
from Gutzkow’s pen entitled “ Die Singekranzchen ” 

23 In the novel she is called Auguste. Her real name was Bertha 
Spohn. Cf. Houben, Gutzkow-Funde, p. 15. 


GUTZKOW’s PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 7 

love for the sister. In a letter to Menzel he indicates that he 
was even on the point of making public announcement of his 
engagement in the newspapers. 24 

One day he spoke to the two sisters in eloquent words and 
with deep compassion of the fate of Burger, of the latter's 
love for his wife’s sister. Thereupon Leopoldine, who had 
gradually come to resign all hope, led him to her sister Bertha 
with the words: She will love you. This was the turning 
point: “ A person in love, I theorized, will love no matter 
what happens, and one who is able to renounce, does not love, 
I concluded. Seraphine ought not to give you up. Seraphine 
ought to hate her sister since I love her. Seraphine ought to 
cling to me, even though I should drag her by her hair! And 
so I cast her aside.” 25 

This experience, however, did not leave very deep scars. 
It did not prevent him from falling in love again almost im¬ 
mediately. During the summer of 1830 he made the acquain¬ 
tance of Rosalie Scheidemantel, who was in every respect 
worthy of his attentions. 26 In his reminiscences she is de¬ 
scribed as “ a sixteen-year old brunette, of rather small 
stature, with large blue eyes, long black lashes, and snow- 
white teeth. She was not essentially beautiful, but a charm 
emanated from all her spiritual and physical qualities. The 
most striking thing about her was her voice, which was so 

24 Ibid., p. 11. 

25 Werke, 1845, III, 98. 

26 The sources for our information regarding Rosalie are very meager. 
Apart from the facts culled from Gutzkow’s Riickblicke auf mein Leben, 
the author is indebted to Houben, “ Karl Gutzkows Frauen in Leben und 
Dichtung,” Velhagen und Klasings Monatshefte, 1910-1911, II, 609-616 
and Gutzkow-Funde, cf. index; Proelss, Das Junge Deutschland, 
Stuttgart, 1892, pp. 262 f., 374 ff. Neither Houben nor Proelss, how¬ 
ever, add materially to the facts in the Riickblicke, except that Proelss 
has printed several letters from Rosalie to Gutzkow during the latter’s 
sojourn in Leipzig in the early part of 1834. 


8 


WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 


vibrant, so low-pitched, that it lent to all she said an air of 
unexpected maturity.” 27 According to Proelss, J. Loewen- 
berg, the biographer of Humboldt, and others who knew 
Rosalie personally, were full of her praise. 28 

Her father, part-owner of a lamp factory, a quiet unobtru¬ 
sive person, with a great fondness for books, took a keen 
interest in the literary friend of his daughter. Her mother, 
on the other hand, was inclined to be tyrannical. She was 
a woman of little education and culture, but fond of having 
company about, and on Saturdays had open house for a 
select group of young people. To one of these gatherings, 
at Kochstrasse 70, corner of Friedrichstrasse, in Berlin, 29 
Gutzkow was introduced by a friend. Here he read some of 
his early poetry and soon became a regular visitor. 30 

Rosalie had received a good education and was by nature a 
bright and gifted girl. She took a sympathetic interest in 
his literary ambitions and made every endeavor to follow him 
in his poetic flights. The love of this girl was a ray of sun¬ 
shine in his otherwise drab and gloomy existence. The hard¬ 
ships and privations in his struggles to support himself, the 
depressing atmosphere in his own home, were almost forgotten 
in her presence. The resulting engagement, “ nach zweijahri- 
gem Minnewerben,” 31 gave every promise of a happy and 
permanent union. 

However, at the beginning of this courtship Gutzkow was 
still a candidate in theology. This fact made him particularly 
desirable in the eyes of Rosalie’s mother, a fanatic in religion, 
and Rosalie herself who worshipped Schleiermacher looked 

2 7 Houben, W., XI, 25. 

28 Op. cit., p. 262. 

29 Houben, W., XI, 44- 

30 Houben, “ Gutzkows Frauen in Leben und Dichtung,” p. 610. 

31 The engagement, therefore, took place in the summer #f 1832. 


GUTZKOW’S PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 9 

up with admiration to the future clergyman. On Whitsunday 
of the year 1832, Gutzkow even delivered a sermon on 
Schleiermacher’s pulpit in the church of the Holy Trinity in 
Berlin. 32 But his increasing scepticism soon caused him to 
renounce theology. His real interests and ambitions all pointed 
to a literary career. It was merely the thought of Rosalie and 
the prospects of earning an assured livelihood that induced 
him to prepare for the examinations as “ Oberlehrer.” After 
some hesitation Rosalie was persuaded to approve of this 
change. 

Nevertheless, for the two years after his engagement there 
was a constant struggle between the desire to secure a position 
with a fixed income and the desire to become a literary free¬ 
lance. 33 From November, 1831 until April, 1832 he was in 
Stuttgart as the “ adjutant ” of Menzel, 34 but he resisted the 
belletristic temptation and returned to Berlin with the firm 
intention of passing the required examinations, and entering 
upon the career of a teacher in the Gymnasium. 35 He actually 
reported for the examination and completed the written part 
of the requirements. The oral examination was postponed 
for the time being. During the summer of this year the 
degree of doctor of philosophy was likewise conferred upon 
him by the University of Jena. In September, 1832, however, 
we find him in Heidelberg, matriculated in the Faculty of 
Law. He had now definitely given up the thought of a 
teaching career, but in order to procure the means necessary 
to support a wife, he had now decided to prepare himself for 
the legal profession. This change in his plans, however, had 
already caused a temporary break in his relations with Rosalie. 

32 Riickblicke. Houben, W., XI, 53; Gutzkow-Funde, p. 322. The 
sermon is printed in the Telegraph fur Deutschland, 1841, Nr. 65. 

33 Cf. Houben, Gutzkow-Funde, p. 348; Proelss, op. cit., p. 374. 

34 Cf. his letter to Cotta. (Proelss, op. cit., p. 267.) 

35 Houben, W., XI, 80. 


10 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

On his lonely walks, he writes in the Ruckblicke, in describing 
his life in Heidelberg, he sought solace from his grief, be¬ 
cause he did not get any letters from Berlin. At the bottom 
of it all was Rosalie’s mother who had vowed not to give 
her daughter to any man not willing to reside in Berlin. But, 
he adds, he had definitely given up his plans for a teaching 
career. 86 

A reconciliation was, however, effected. Rosalie at last 
even acquiesced in his determination to become a professional 
writer. Her interest in his studies was increasing and their 
relationship growing more intimate. 37 Then, on February 12, 
1834, Schleiermacher suddenly died and Gutzkow wrote his 
“ Nekrolog ” for the Allgemeine Zeitung , 88 which caused a 
sensation in Berlin. This direct blow at the orthodox admirers 
of Schleiermacher was too much for Rosalie. His disrespect¬ 
ful attitude toward, and severe criticism of, orthodoxy cut her 
to the quick, and as a good Christian and obedient daughter 
she now felt constrained to sever all relations with this 
“atheist,” even though her own heart might break. 39 An 
attempt to bring about another reconciliation made by Char¬ 
lotte Birch-Pfeiffer on behalf of Gutzkow was fruitless. 40 

This defection on the part of Rosalie was a great blow for 
Gutzkow and had the most far-reaching effects on his entire 
life and work, 41 as we shall endeavor to point out in subsequent 
chapters. A serious emotional crisis resulted, lasting through¬ 
out the summer of 1834, which was augmented by physical 

wibid., XI, 92. 

37 Cf. Proelss, op. cit., p. 375. 

3(8 Reprinted in Houben, W., VIII, 97-104. 

™Ibid., XI, 26. 

*0 Ibid., XI, 26 f. 

41 Cf. the admission in his Ruckblicke: “ Warum erzahle ich diese 
Momente der Vergangenheit? Weil dieser Bund Tage, Wochen, Monate 
der Verzweiflung heraufbeschwor, weil er eine Richtung meines 
Schaffens bedingte.” (Houben, W., XI, 26.) 


GUTZKOW’s PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 11 

illness and growing differences with Menzel. Fortunately, 
his friend Karl Lowenthal, the same who later published his 
Wally, rescued him from this depressing environment by 
persuading him to go along to Hamburg, where he slowly 
recovered. 

His faith in womanhood had received a rude shock, but in 
the course of the following year his longing for the companion¬ 
ship of a loving woman and a home of his own was as strong 
as ever. On January i, 1835, Gutzkow took up his residence 
in Frankfurt a.M. 42 In spite of the feverish activity of this 
year, when he edited the Liter at urblatt zum Phonix, contrib¬ 
uted to various other journals, wrote his Wally, completed 
Nero, delivered lectures, and traveled considerably, he found 
time for the cultivation of intimate relations with several 
women. In the same letter in which he states to his friend 
Schlesier that he has completed Wally, which later caused him 
to be denounced as an opponent of marriage and a champion 
of free love, he also mentions “ dass ich hier seit einiger Zeit 
ein zartliches Verhaltnis entriert habe, das vielleicht in sechs 
Wochen mit einer Heirat endet.” 43 But a few weeks later he 
adds: “ Meine Heirat wird rnich nicht storen; denn ich habe 
das ganze Netz wiederaufgelost. Die Geschichte ist drollig, 
aber lang.” 44 Further details are lacking. It is very likely, 
however, that he here refers to the young lady whom he met 
at the house of Dr. August Clemens in Frankfurt, 45 and who 
was the direct cause of Wally, die Zweiflerin. As related in 
the Riickblicke, this girl became greatly excited when Gutzkow 
touched upon the religious controversies of the day regarding 

42 Cf. his supplementary letter to the Senate of Frankfurt in support 
of his petition for the granting of citizenship papers. (Houben, Jung- 
deutscher Sturm und Drang, Leipzig, 1911, p. 523.) 

43 July 10, 1835. Ibid., p. 37- 

44 July 30, 1835. Ibid., p. 11. 

43 Houben, W., XI, 145. 


12 


WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 


Christ. She exclaimed: “ Do not talk about that! It drives 
one mad merely to think of it! ” Gutzkow was particularly 
affected by these words, because he felt a desire to make 
advances to the girl. He adds that he actually did so and then 
retraced his step. 46 

During this summer in Frankfurt a.M. Gutzkow had 
quarters in the house of the Swedish Consul General Freins- 
heim, whose charming step-daughter, Amalie Klonne, now 
became the object of his affections. Hermann Pollet, who made 
her acquaintance in the year 1846, gives us the following ac¬ 
count of her in his Begegnungen: 

“ Gutzkow’s wife was a dear little woman of vivacious temper, out¬ 
wardly appearing rather giddy, but in reality grounded on stern 
principles. Of great interest is her account of her meeting and sub¬ 
sequent marriage with Gutzkow: As a ‘Backfisch’ she had just com¬ 
pleted her schooling, when she fell in love with the brilliant young 
author who lived in the same house. An engagement soon resulted. 
Shortly afterwards Gutzkow was led away to the Mannheim prison 
because of his ‘ heresy ’ in writing Wally. Her grief was beyond de¬ 
scription, no less her fright, when her fiance a few months later re¬ 
turned, a haggard, careworn, soured man. At first sight of him she 
actually ran away. Later, however, there followed a happy married 
life, which was blessed with three sons.” 47 

Levin Schiicking also mentions her in his Lebenserinnerun¬ 
gen. While passing through Frankfurt in the summer of 1845, 
he called on Gutzkow who lived on the Hirschgraben, opposite 
the Goethehaus. There he found him in the midst of his 
family beside his “ charming and amiable wife.” 48 After his 
engagement Gutzkow petitioned the Senate of Frankfurt for 
his citizenship papers, so that there would be no obstacle to 
his marriage and residence in this city. 49 The Wally affair 
interfered with his plans and culminated in over ten weeks of 

46 Ibid., p. 162. 

47 Cited by R. Gensel, Gutzkows Werke, p. XXIX f. 

48 Levin Schiicking, Lebenserinnerungen, Breslau, 1886, II, 39 f. 

49 Houben, Jungdeutscher Sturm und Drang, 521 ff. 


GUTZKOW’s PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 13 

imprisonment. The wedding could, therefore, not take place 
until July 18, 1836. 

For a short time the marriage with Amalie and the cozy 
seclusion of domestic life was a boon and a refuge from the 
Wally persecutions and the strenuous tumult of a journalistic 
career. In his Riickblicke he admits that “ all dictates of 
prudence should have led me to postpone the thought of 
marriage . . . but the noble faith of a trusting young woman’s 
heart, drawn with me into the vortex of my dangerous career,” 
simplified his task of regaining a new hold on life. 50 But in 
his love there was an element of gratitude for her loyalty at 
a time when he was practically an outcast, and this was a 
source of danger for their future relations. He soon realized 
that he had made a mistake, but was too pedantic and con¬ 
scientious to rectify it. In speaking of this engagement in 
his Riickblicke he states: “ Der Gewissensmensch ist ein ewiger 
Martyrer. Selbst ein Stelldichein vermag er nicht zu versau- 
men, ob er es auch in einem leichtsinnigen Augenblick ver- 
sprochen hatte und in einem Augenblick, den er langst bereute, 
langst in sich iiberwunden hat! Du hast der Harrenden dein 
Wort gegeben! So schleppt sich der Gewissensmensch 
manchmal wider Willen—auf die Schlachtbank der Verurtei- 
lung! ” 51 

These words, written towards the end of his life, undoubt¬ 
edly exaggerate the situation, but at least they indicate that his 
action was hasty and ill-considered. 

Whatever difficulties and misunderstandings arose between 
them in the further course of their marriage, the fault was not 
with his wife. An intimate friend of Gutzkow, Feodor Wehl, 
relates in his memoirs that he had the greatest respect for 
her. He describes her as follows: “ She was an attractive 

50 Houben, W., XI, 172. 

51 Idem. 


14 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

woman of fine poise, with a calm and serious manner, ad¬ 
mirably suited to deal with Gutzkow.” 52 He maintained that 
Gutzkow was happy with her, “ in so far as he could find 
happiness in wedlock. His wife is loving, intelligent, of truly 
pleasing manner: an excellent wife, a treasure for any honest 
man.” 53 

As indicated by Wehl, the principal obstacle to this matri¬ 
monial venture was Gutzkow’s personal unfitness for it. 
Although his high hopes and ambitions had received a tem¬ 
porary setback by the difficulties encountered with his Wally, 
he was by no means ready to settle down to a life of comfort 
and resignation by his own fireside. When Uriel Acosta 
exclaims: 

“ Ins Allgemeine mocht’ ich gerne tauchen 
Und mit dem grossen Strom des Lebens gehn! ” 64 

we may feel certain that Gutzkow here expresses his own 
innermost longing. It is not surprising, therefore, that he 
should feel himself hampered and checked in his personal 
freedom by the duties and obligations of married life. There 
was first of all the grim necessity of providing a livelihood 
for his family, when it had always been difficult to eke out an 
existence for himself alone. His expectations of marrying a 
rich wife had been sadly disappointed, and he was forced to 
work almost to the point of physical exhaustion. 65 His pro¬ 
fessional duties as editor of the Telegraph necessitated the 
cultivation of a large circle of acquaintances, and his own 
irregular habits of life did not make for peace and harmony 
in his home. Immermann relates that when in 1837 he tried 
to call on Gutzkow in Frankfurt he could not find him at home 

52 Feodor Wehl, Zeit und Menschen, Altona, 1889, I, 263. 

53 Ibid., 264 f. 

54 Act. II, Sc. 7. 

55 Houben, W., XI, 189. 


GUTZKOW’S PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 15 

and was told by the maid that one could never tell when he 
would be home. 66 

At the end of 1837 the Telegraph was transferred to Ham¬ 
burg and Gutzkow likewise took up his residence there. But 
his wife could not bear the separation from her mother, neither 
could she accommodate herself to a new environment in 
Hamburg. She consequently remained in Frankfurt, except 
for occasional visits, while Gutzkow was quite satisfied with 
his semi-bachelorhood. But the rift between him and his wife 
was widening. She was not the inspiring companion he had 
hoped to find. 57 His own feelings are expressed in a letter 
to Devrient, giving advice regarding the latter’s domestic rela¬ 
tions, although he had not the strength to follow it himself: 
“ My advice, dear friend, is : Break with her! There is noth¬ 
ing more embarrassing and painful than a half-hearted rela¬ 
tionship, with its constant conflict between good-natured weak¬ 
ness and emotional aversion, once it has set in. An occasional 
touching scene will not stem the tide of disagreeable gnawing 
regrets which invariably follow.” 58 
Under these circumstances it was not strange that another 
woman came to occupy the first place in his heart. This was 
Therese von Bacheracht, 58 the wife of the Russian Consul 

66 Houben, “ Gutzkows Frauen in Leben und Dichtung,” p. 613. 

57 Cf. Gutzkow’s confession in the “ Briefe an eine Freundin,” quoted 
on page 20. According to Houben, Gutzkow even saw to it that his 
wife did not get an opportunity to read his Wally. (Gutzkow-Funde, 
354 ) 

58 Sept. 25, 1839. Houben, Emil Devrient, Frankfurt a.M., 1903, p. 
175 f- 

59 The account of Gutzkow’s relations with Therese is based primarily 
on Houben, “ Eine Freundin Karl Gutzkows,” Hamburger Nachrichten, 
July 14-15, 1901; “ Therese,” Sonntags-Beilage zur National-Zeitung, 
July 3, 1904; ‘‘Karl Gutzkows Frauen in Leben und Dichtung,” pp. 
609-616; Gutzkow-Funde, cf. index; Feodor Wehl, Zeit und Menschen, 
cf. index; Karl Emil Franzos, “Gutzkows Therese,” Deutsche Dich¬ 
tung, 1893-1894, Vol. XV, pp. 222-228, 245-251. 


16 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

General and daughter of the Russian Ambassador von Struve. 
In his Riickblicke Gutzkow has given us an account of his 
first meeting with her which reads almost like the beginning of 
a novel. 60 On a dreary, foggy day in October, two days after 
the fiasco of his Schule der Reichen (Hamburg, October 25, 
1841), when he surrendered himself to pessimism and despair, 
a servant in elegant livery brought him a note from a noble 
lady in high society, expressing her sympathy and inviting 
him to call. Gutzkow knew her by name and had often seen 
her riding in the company of diplomats and other high per¬ 
sonages. On such occasions she had always seemed to him 
like an “ ewiger Mai.” He also knew of her as the author 
of Briefe aus dent Siiden, published under the pseudonym of 
“ Therese.” In his Telegraph he had warmly praised the 
book. 61 

After some hesitation he decided to accept this unusual 
invitation. It was an act of great courage on the part of 
Therese to invite the author of Die Schule der Reichen, a sat¬ 
ire on the purse-proud and snobbish arrogance of a certain 
class of wealthy Hamburg merchants, to her house, where 
many of these same people who had hissed and interrupted the 
play were regular guests. 

Therese von Struve, to give her maiden name, had received 
a French education in St. Petersburg, and although born in 

60 Houben, W., XI, 294 ff. 

61 Telegraph fur Deutschland, July, 1841, No. 121. Cf. the following 
extract: “Was sich Personliches, oder wie der Englander es nennen 
wiirde, scandal in dem Buche trifft, ist eine zarte, weibliche Seele, eine 
gebildete Kennerin der Literatur und Kunst, eine Mutter, die den Tod 
ihres einzigen Kindes beweint, eine Reisende, die in den klassischen 
Wundern Italiens und den marchenhaften Schonheiten des Orients ihre 
Schmerzen zu vergessen sucht, eine zartliche Tochter. . . . Nicht das, 
was gegeben wird, ist so interessant, als die Art, wie es die Verfasserin 
gibt, und um es mit einem Worte zu sagen, das Interessanteste ist die 
Verfasserin selbst. . . . Mehr als eine schone Seele, sie ist eine wei¬ 
bliche Seele.” 


GUTZKOW’s PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 17 

Stuttgart spoke in her youth French more fluently than Ger¬ 
man. At the age of twenty-one she married the Secretary of 
the Russian Embassy and Consul General von Bacheracht. 
In spite of comfortable circumstances and an active social life, 
she was not happy in her marriage. The loss of her only child 
induced her to seek peace of mind in literary work. 62 
George Sand’s novels were of decisive influence. Besides 
Briefe aus dem Suden (1841), she wrote Fin Tagebuch 
(1842), Falkenberg (1843), dm Teetisch (1844), Lydia 
(1844), Weltgliick (1845), Heinrich Burkhart (1846), Alma 
(1848), and many other stories and descriptions of travel. 
Most of them have a social purpose, contrasting the idleness 
of the aristocratic classes with the dignity and nobility of 
work. It is to her also that we owe the publication in 1846 of 
Wilhelm von Humboldt’s Briefe an eine Freundin. For many 
years she had given financial assistance to the recipient of 
these letters, Charlotte Diede, and after the latter’s death these 
letters came into her possession as a token of gratitude. 63 

There is perhaps no other woman of this period in Germany 
whose personal charm evoked such unanimous praise and 
admiration on the part of her contemporaries. Heine, when 
he first met her, exclaimed in surprise: “ Gott, was sind Sie 
schon fur eine Schriftstellerin.” 64 Levin Schiicking, who was 
her escort in Paris in 1846, 65 and Fanny Lewald, her intimate 
friend, 66 confirm the opinion of Feodor Wehl: 

“ She was of average height, slender, but with pleasing curves. There 
was nothing angular or awkward about her. The aristocratic oval of 

62 Regarding Therese’s literary work cf. Adolf Bartels, Handbuch 
zur Geschichte der deutschen Literatur, Leipzig, 1909, p. 540; Rudolf 
von Gottschall, Die deutsche Nationallyeratur des 19. Jahrhunderts, 
Breslau, 1902, IV, 444 ff. 

63 Houben, W., XI, 365 ff. Cf. also Wehl, op. cit. } II, 118. 

64 Houben, “ Therese.” 

65 Op. cit., II, 45 , 117. 

66 Cf. Gensel, W., I, p. XLI. 


18 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

her face, with its soft rosy glow, bright and radiant eyes, finely chiseled 
mouth, and lovely forehead, was surrounded by a great profusion of 
auburn hair. Her body, throat, hands and feet had a plastic quality. 
Add to this the charm of a sympathetic voice and an eloquence that 
was truly captivating. She fascinated everyone. With a cheerful dis¬ 
position, she was always sensitive to all that was good and beautiful, 
and of a generous, kind nature. Her excellent education, supplemented 
by the social life in the select circle of her father’s house, made her a 
victorious figure wherever she went. She was the embodiment of 
charm.” 67 

In a critical period of his life and one filled with struggles 
and difficulties, Gutzkow found a second home in her house. 
The friendship with her, Gutzkow says, “ was the impetus to a 
thorough re-orientation of my life.” 68 Here he made the 
acquaintance of high society, of diplomats, senators, statesmen 
and scholars. When he visited Paris in the summer of 1842, 
Therese’s name gave him entrance to the highest circles of 
diplomacy and aristocracy. 69 

Their friendship soon ripened into love. “ Dass sich der 
Dank, den ich fur eine so zarte Aufmerksamkeit und Vertie- 
fung in eines andern Leben und Stimmung auszusprechen und 
zu betatigen hatte, nicht mit dem kalten Ton des Verstandes 
aussprechen konnte, dass sich dieser vielmehr von Tag zu 
Tag mehr in der Region des Herzens bewegte, wird jeder 
begreifen, dessen Gefiihlsweise nicht ganz durch unsre sozialen 
Vorurteile unterjocht ist.” 70 Apart from his description of 
their first meeting, however, we search in vain for a more 
detailed account of his relationship with her, and even in 

67 Feodor Wehl, Zeit und Menschen, I, 262 f. Feodor Wehl became 
acquainted with Gutzkow in the early forties. They remained life-long 
friends and carried on a fairly active correspondence. Wehl was on 
equally good terms with Therese. His memoirs, therefore, constitute 
an extremely valuable source for Gutzkow’s biography, particularly for 
the Therese episode. 

6,8 Houben, W., XI, 295. 

69 Ibid., 296. 

70 Idem. 


GUTZKOW’s PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 19 

his letters there are only occasional references to her. 71 His 
intention of recounting this period of his life was frustrated by 
his sudden death. 72 He intimates, however, that all he relates 
subsequent to his meeting with her was merely “ der Noten- 
satz der obem Stimme. Die untere, der Grundton, fehlt.” 73 
His works, particularly Die Selbsttaufe, Ein weisses Blatt, 
Ottfried, and Die Ritter vom Geist, clearly reflect this experi¬ 
ence and enable us to complete the picture. 

Their common interests in literature were an important 
element in their relations and required frequent meetings and 
consultations. They also traveled together at various times. 
In 1842 they went to Paris, in 1843 to Italy, in 1845 to 
Switzerland, and in 1846 they met in Paris and Berlin. She 
followed him to Dresden when in November, 1846, he took 
up his residence there as “ Dramaturg ” of the Court Thea¬ 
tre. He supervised her literary productions and she was the 
confidante of all his projects. Feodor Wehl relates that every¬ 
thing new from his pen first went to her, and that she copied 
most of it, as he wrote rather illegibly. She also wrote reviews 
of his books for newspapers and advertised him whenever 
possible. “ She longed to communicate to the world the ad¬ 
miration which she felt for him. She considered him Ger¬ 
many’s foremost author and lost herself entirely in his works. 
To her every word was significant and valuable. She read 
with eyes of love. . . . Withal her judgment was keen and 
based on thoughtful observation. But in her sympathetic 
criticism she by no means lacked independence. Many a small 
but valuable touch she added to Gutzkow’s work.” 74 

71 Gutzkow’s letters to Therese have never been recovered. Therese’s 
letters to Gutzkow, however, are in the possession of his heirs, but 
have not been published. This information was given to the author 
by Prof. Dr. Houben. 

72 Wehl, op. cit.y I, 272. 

73 Houben, W., XI, 296. 

74 Wehl, op. cit., I, 265. 


20 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

Among Gutzkow’s papers Houben found a sketch for a 
drama, Die Paumgarten oder die Patrizier von Augsburg, on 
one of Therese’s letter heads and in her own hand. 78 This 
sketch was later utilized by Gutzkow for one of his novels. 
His tragedy Liesli owes its inception to an occurrence on an 
emigrant ship in the harbor of Hamburg, witnessed by Therese 
and related to 'Gutzkow. 76 She in turn received similar 
suggestions from him. Thus the problem treated by him in 
Ella Rose had originally been suggested to her, 77 and is actually 
the theme of an unpublished novel of hers. 78 

There was a marked difference between Therese and Amalie. 
“ Amalie was the type of the truly German, dependable 4 Haus- 
frau ’ of the middle class. Therese von Bacheracht was the 
brilliant woman of the world.” 79 He had married Amalie 
“ as a result of hasty consideration under circumstances 
brought about by mere chance, while the stress of life was 
belaying me even at the age of twenty-five.” 80 During his 
critical years in Hamburg she would not share her life with 
him, but preferred to remain in Frankfurt. She did not 
enter into his work with heart and soul. There arose mis¬ 
understandings “ because in time I made greater demands on 
matrimonial happiness, considering wedlock as a terrible fetter 
for free intellectual development.” 81 

In Therese he found the embodiment of his ideal, as he 
has expressed it in his book on Borne, in speaking of the 
latter’s relations with Frau Wohl: “ Es ist ein Trost, Herzen zu 
wissen, die den Pulsschlag unserer eigenen Stimmung mit- 

75 Houben, Studien iiber die Dranien Karl Gutzkows, Jena, 1899, p. 18. 

78 Houben, “ Therese.” 

77 Cf. Introduction to Ella Rose. 

78 Houben, “Therese.” 

79 Wehl, op. cit., I, 264. 

so “ Briefe an eine Freundin,” Auf der Hohe, II Jahrg., Vol. VI, No. 
18, cited by Houben, Studien , 87. 

81 Idem. 


GUTZKOW’s PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 21 

empfinden und sich ein Gewissen daraus machen, auf unserer 
Stirn zu lesen und Wiinsche von unsem Lippen zu stehlen. 
Und die, welche mit der Welt in Hader leben, werden das 
Bedurfnis, einen felsenfesten Punkt der Anlehnung inmitten 
der Wogen einer in ihren Gesinnungen zweifelhaften Gesell- 
schaft zu haben, nur um so dringender empfinden. Es muss 
Herzen geben, welche die geheime Werkstatt unsres Innern 
kennen, ja auf uns schworen, selbst wenn die Welt uns ver- 
lasst.” 82 And this is what Therese did for him. In one of her 
letters she writes: “ There shall be no day and no night, no 
action and no dream, no happening of any kind, and no wish 
that does not refer to you.” 83 

Their relationship was a matter of common knowledge and 
Amalie was, of course, likewise aware of it. After meeting 
Therese in Frankfurt she wrote to a friend: “ If she were only 
gone! . . . She has eyes and ears for no one but my husband, 
with no attempt to conceal it. . . . Of course she is not happy 
with her husband, has no children, and therefore thinks that all 
is permissible to her.” 84 Needless to say that this state of af¬ 
fairs caused Amalie many bitter hours and untold suffering, 
but she bore up bravely under her fate. 

Gutzkow, on the other hand, was too conscientious to take 
the matter lightly. It was one of those eternal triangles where 
a solution is always difficult and never satisfactory. He 
wavered back and forth between his sense of duty to his 
wife and family and his desire for complete union with his 
beloved, and this conflict lasted for years. As late as 1846, 
after his meeting with Therese in Paris, he wrote to Levin 
Schucking: “ How unhappy I am that I cannot allow the 
love and friendship of this woman to enter my life and my 
immediate surroundings, as I should like to do, if it were 

182 Gesammelte Werke, Jena, no date (1872-1876), XII, 314. 

83 Houben, “ Gutzkows Frauen in Leben und Dichtung,” p. 614. 

84 Houben, “ Therese.” 

3 


22 


WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 


not for considerations and duties right and left.” 85 At 
the same time, however, he endeavors to appease his wife, 
to make his affair with Therese appear as innocent and harm¬ 
less as possible. During this same stay in Paris he wrote to 
her as follows: 

“ I have not yet been able to persuade you that there is something 
to this woman which I cannot put out of my life, because it is friend¬ 
ship and devotion. But you will be persuaded, because you will realize 
that I cannot further impoverish myself. . . . The pitch to which I 
have gradually reduced this relationship is such that it will not inter¬ 
fere with my conscience, my renewed sincere devotion to you, or with 
my position in the community. For this reason I speak of this matter 
frankly and honestly and do not, as you might prefer, cover it up. 
Lonesome and friendless as my life is, I cannot further impoverish it. 
Therefore, do not cling, as your parents do, to this ignoble and piti¬ 
fully commonplace conception of this relationship. Do not entertain 
any evil thoughts when you hear that this Bacheracht woman, who is 
old and sick anyway, has also come here .”' 86 

Therese on her part, although not divorced from her hus¬ 
band, could not for many years bear the thought of sharing 
Gutzkow’s love with Amalie, and urged him to bring about 
a complete separation from his lawful wife. 87 On such oc¬ 
casions Gutzkow may have been harsh and irritable, and this 
may explain his conduct as revealed in Therese’s letter to 
Dingelstedt from Baden-Baden, September 16, 1845, where 
she complains of his “ Harte und Grausamkeit, seiner 
damonischen Kalte,” but reiterates her deep and eternal love 
and begs Dingelstedt to intercede for her. 88 

But in the course of time they had both resigned them¬ 
selves to their fate and given up the idea of ever being fully 
united in wedlock. Gutzkow, moreover, had become more 
reconciled to his own marriage. His sons were growing up 

85 Houben, “ Eine Freundin Karl Gutzkows.” 

186 Houben, Gutskow-Funde, p. 367 f. 

87 Wehl, op. cit., I, 271. 

88 Rudolf Gohler, “ Dingelstedt und Gutzkow,” Deutsche Rundschau , 
1914, Vol. CLIX, 377 f. 


GUTZKOW’S PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 23 

and his feeling of responsibility towards them had become 
more pronounced. Besides he was growing older and less 
impetuous, the misunderstandings with Amalie had been 
patched up and his relations with her had become more cordial. 

When, in November, 1846, Gutzkow took up his duties 
at the Court Theatre in Dresden, Therese, who after leaving 
Paris had gone first to Hamburg and then to Berlin, 89 also 
went to Dresden to spend the winter there. On the last day 
of the year she wrote to Levin Schucking, discussing Gutz¬ 
kow’s recent appointment. At first she had bewailed his loss 
of freedom, but she soon realized that his activity in a new 
environment was a blessing to him: “ Dann habe ich mich 
iiberzeugt, dass seine Frankfurter Entwurzelung unendlich 
wohltatig auf ihn einwirken und ihn der prickelnden Gewohn- 
heiten jenes Alltagslebens iiberheben wird.” 90 

Amalie at first remained in Frankfurt. But if Therese 
speculated that Gutzkow’s residence in Dresden and conse¬ 
quent separation from his wife would eventually lead to a 
consummation of her hopes, she was destined to be sorely mis¬ 
taken. Towards the end of March, 1847, Gutzkow was on 
his way to Weimar, where he had arranged to meet Amalie, 
who was coming from Frankfurt to establish her home in 
Dresden. 91 

In the fall of 1847 a serious misunderstanding arose between 
Gutzkow and Therese. The latter spent the summer in the 
Tyrol. Gutzkow had agreed to join her there, just as he 
had met her at various other places in previous years, but he 
did not keep his engagement. Greatly disappointed, Therese 
hurried to Dresden. Amalie refused to receive her. In order 
to avoid gossip and disagreeable scenes with Amalie, Gutzkow 
urged Therese to leave Dresden. Thereupon Amalie received 

89 Cf. Schucking, op cit., II, 118. 

90 Ibid., p. 119. 

91 Cf. Gutzkow’s letter to Schucking, March 31, 1847. Ibid., II, 50 ff. 


24 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

a “ conciliatory letter ” from Therese, in which the latter 
begged to be received “ um der Schicklichkeit willen.” Amalie 
refused this request, and after a violent scene with Gutzkow, 
Therese departed for Paris with her friend Fanny Lewald. 
In a letter to her friend Thekla Weber in Bremen, Therese 
alludes to this rupture with Gutzkow and voices her despair 
and resignation: 

“ Paris ist eine Stadt, in der man am leichtesten vergessen oder 
wenigstens sich betauben kann. In der Jugend, liebe Thekla, sucht man 
den Schmerz, im reifern Alter entflieht man ihm. Ich will nicht wieder 
aufnehmen, was hinter mir liegt, ich will auch nicht Ihren letzten Brief 
beriihren. Ich freue mich, wenn Sie bessere Eindriicke empfangen, 
halten Sie diese fest, allein verargen Sie mir nicht, wenn ich Tatsachen 
nicht verwischen kann, und dariiber vollig im Klaren bin, dass ich, ohne 
mich selbst zu verachten, an keine Ausgleichung mehr denken darf.” 92 

Under these circumstances it was a great shock for Gutzkow 
when his wife died suddenly in Berlin in 1848. Towards the 
end of 1847 she had a premature confinement, in which her 
life had been endangered. In March, 1848, however, she 
accompanied her husband on his vacation tO' Berlin, where 
her youngest son became ill. In her weakened condition the 
exertions of caring for him were too much for her. She 
contracted a cold which developed into typhoid, and on April 
22 she died in the house of Gutzkow’s sister. 93 

After returning to Dresden, where he left his sons to the 
care of Amalie’s mother, Gutzkow withdrew completely from 
the turmoil of the Revolution and sought peace of mind in 
the little Silesian town of Warmbrunn at the foot of the 
Riesengebirge. Consumed by grief, he now reproached him¬ 
self bitterly for the unhappiness he had caused his wife. In 
his printed “ Brief an Freunde ” he gave vent to his anguish, 94 

92 March 18, 1848. K. E. Franzos, op. cit., 246. 

92 Houben, W., XI, 378 ff. 

94 Warmbrunn, May 18, 1848. Cf. Wehl, Das Junge Deutschland, 
Hamburg, 1886, pp. 185 ff. 


GUTZKOW’S PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 25 

and to his friend Devrient he added in a postscript to the 
printed circular: “ Four weeks have passed and my tears are 
still flowing as I write these lines. I am too, too unhappy. . . 
I cannot get used to it, and I often feel that I must put an 
end to my life.” 95 

It may seem strange that the death of his wife should affect 
him so deeply, when for more than ten years previously his 
relations with her had been for the most part highly indifferent 
and the ties of marriage had seemed an unbearable burden, 
a yoke that gladly he would have cast off. But for the time 
being he was undoubtedly sincere, and his tender-heartedness 
now made him realize fully how unhappy had been her lot 
by his side, how much he had done to cause her pain and 
suffering. On the other hand this sudden reaction led him to 
the opposite extreme and induced regrets and self-accusations 
that were greatly exaggerated. 

In this gloomy frame of mind the hopeful and expectant 
attitude of Therese, who saw a rival eliminated, only irritated 
and embittered him. As soon as Therese heard of Amalie’s 
death through her friend Thekla Weber, 96 she hurried from 
Paris to Berlin. After seeing Gutzkow she felt reassured, 
and in a letter to Thekla fairly rejoices at the bright pros¬ 
pects for the future: 

“ Es ist eine wunderbare Losung, die dieser schnelle Tod mit sich 
brachte, ein plotzliches Aufhoren aller jener Folterqualen, die mir die 
Seele verrenkt hatten. 

Ich stehe noch immer staunend, aber dankbar davor, die ersten 
heftigen Eindriicke sind iiberwunden. Gutzkow hat schon jetzt das 
starkende Bewusstsein erlangt, dass das, was eintrat, kein Ungliick, 
sondern eine Wohltat war; er wird dieses Bewusstsein mit jedem Tage 
mehr haben. Seine Ausserungen, die wehmiitige Fassung, die ihn nicht 

95 Houben, Devrient, p. 340. Cf. also Gutzkow’s letter to his uncle 
Meidinger, Dresden, Aug. 27, 1848. J. Dresch, Gutzkow et la Jeune 
Allemagne, Paris, 1904, pp. 439 ff. 

96 Cf. K. E. Franzos, op. cit., p. 246. 


26 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

verliess, die Uberzeugung, jetzt wieder sich der vollen, unter mannig- 
fachem Schutt vergrabenen Wahrheit zuwenden zu konnen, erzeugen 
in ihm ein liebensWiirdiges .Gemisch von Andacht und zogernder 
Begeisterung, die mich sehr glucklich machen.” 97 

To Feodor Wehl she likewise confided her great hope: 
“You will understand that as a result of Amalie’s death I feel 
a certain relief. I have suffered a great deal in the conflict 
between convention and inner conviction. I often thought that 
it was too much, more than I could bear, and now suddenly, 
I feel calm, with no fear and trepidation for the future.” 98 

At the end of May Therese hastened to join Gutzkow in 
Warmbrunn. It is difficult to reconcile her account of these 
days in Warmbrunn with Gutzkow’s own statements regard¬ 
ing his condition of mind after Amalie’s death, and particu¬ 
larly with his later reaction toward Therese. On June 6, 
1848, she wrote to her friend Thekla Weber: “A week ago 
today I finally arrived here in Warmbrunn where Gutzkow 
welcomed me with so much joy that I felt recompensed for 
all my former grief. Our dear friend is completely cheered 
up, he is well and active and buoyed up by a sense of inner 
freedom. We live entirely to ourselves, work in the morning, 
dine together in my rooms, and go for a walk in the evening.” 99 
Gensel, citing this letter, finds it difficult to understand Gutz¬ 
kow’s subsequent behavior, and still more difficult to justify 
it. 100 But the motives for his final break with her are in 
general clearly evident both from his letters and his works. 
What remains obscure and unintelligible is his conduct towards 
her during these weeks in Warmbrunn. As he has not en¬ 
lightened us on this point, we can merely speculate as to the 
probable explanation. It would seem that Gutzkow’s decision 

97 May 2, 1848. Idem. 

98 Berlin, May 5, 1848. Wehl, Zeit und Menschen, II, 119. 

99 K. E. Franzos, op. ext., p. 248. 

i" Gensel, W., I, p. XLIV. 


GUTZKOW’S PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 


27 


to give up Therese, as an atonement and sacrifice to the 
memory of his wife, was only beginning to take shape in his 
mind and had not at this stage become fully clear to him. 
He may not have had the strength and courage to face a 
problem which would add to his mental anguish, deprive him 
of a devoted companion and increase his loneliness. This 
seems to be corroborated by a passage in his letter to Devrient: 

“ Grade, weil mein Herz in einem so ungliicklichen Kampf zwischen 
zwei weiblichen Naturen stand, die mich liebten und Anspriiche auf 
mich machten, bin ich so ungliicklich, dass die arme Amalie, der ich 
entschlossen war, mich ganz zu erhalten, aus diesem Widerspruch der 
Gefiihle durch den Tod scheiden musste! Es liegt darin etwas furchtbar 
Tragisches, das mich vernichtet. Ich fiihle mich verlassen und bedarf 
doch der Liebe und diese Liebe hab’ ich bei der Therese in einem 
unermesslichen Grade. Kann ich sie annehmen? Darf ich? Ich bin 
willenlos und weiss nicht, wo ich mich hinwenden soll. ,, 101 

Moreover, it does not seem likely that Therese broached the 
question of marriage at this time, assuming their union to be 
a matter of course, and now merely endeavoring to comfort 
and console him. It is not always possible, however, to give 
a sane and sound account of the subtle workings of a mind 
that is not sane and sound itself, but morbid and unstrung 
by bereavement and self-reproaches. 

In October or November, 1848, Therese went to Dresden 
with the hope and expectation that Gutzkow would now marry 
her, but Gutzkow refused to bind himself. On November 23, 
1848, he wrote to Wehl: “ liber Therese konnt’ ich Ihnen 
viel sagen, wenn wir einmal allein sind. Wiirden Sie mir 
geraten haben, sie zu heiraten ? Ich glaube: nein! ” 102 
Therese in a letter to Thekla Weber, dated January 29, 1849, 
also refers to the rupture with Gutzkow and adds that she 
is unable to work because she is thereby too much reminded 
of him. 103 Nevertheless, in the spring of 1849, this time rein- 

101 Houben, Devrient, 340 f. 

102 Wehl, Das Junge Deutschland, p. 194. 

103 K. E. Franzos, op. cit. 


28 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

forced by the presence of Fanny Lewald, she made one more 
determined effort to secure a definite and binding promise, 
particularly because she was considering a proposal from her 
cousin Heinrich von Lutzow. Wehl tells us the result: “ Gutz- 
kow . . . zog sich erst bestiirzt und angstlich, endlich aber, 
gedrangt sich zu erklaren, verstimmt und missmutig ganz vor 
ihr zuriick.” 104 

Therese herself has given more details of this last meeting. 
On June 14, 1849, she wrote to Thekla Weber a long letter, 
giving expression to her intense suffering, but also formulat¬ 
ing some harsh judgments of Gutzkow: 

“ Ich habe seit zehn Monaten so unaussprechlich gelitten, mein ausserer 
und innerer Zustand hatte der Dringlichkeiten so viele, dass ich oft 
gedacht habe, es sei zu viel. Sie wissen genau, was ich wollte. Ich 
wollte einen Menschen durch Liebe verklaren, ich wollte das, was nicht 
gut an der hohen Begabung war, was dem Charakter und der hoheren 
Ehre schadete, wegwischen mit meinem Herzblute, ich wollte die harten 
und kalten Keller mit Warme durchdringen und durch Beispiel und 
Hingebung den Glauben an das Bessere wachrufen, den untergegangenen 
oder nie dagewesenen Glauben! 

“Acht Jahre meines Lebens hatte ich an die Aufgabe gesetzt, acht 
voile und schmerzensreiche Jahre, in welchen mir das Zuviel noch zu 
wenig schien. Im achten Jahre starb Gutzkows Frau. Ich glaubte in 
ihr ein machtiges Hindernis uberwunden, ich hoffte auf eine stille aber 
segensreiche Zukunft, aber schon in Warmbrunn und spater durch 
Sie musste ich erkennen, dass ich mich getauscht hatte. Ich konnte 
nicht hervorzaubern, was nicht vorhanden war, konnte dem nicht sitt- 
lichen Wert geben, der durch Geburt und Selbsterziehung das Leben 
nur zu oft in Zerrbilder zerfallen sah.” 

Therese then mentions her cousin Heinrich von Lutzow, 
who had proposed to her, and who urged her to liberate her¬ 
self from the shameful fetters that bound her to Gutzkow. 
Finally she describes the painful incidents of her last meeting 
with him: 

“ Es war an einem Sonntag, als ich Gutzkow zuletzt sah; ich war ihm, 
das versichere ich Sie, mit grosser Liebe und Schonung entgegenge- 

i°4 Wehl, Zeit und Menschen, I, 267. 


GUTZKOW’S PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 29 

kommen, ich hatte ihm freimiitig Heinrichs Ansicht ausgesprochen; ich 
hatte gehofft, er wiirde das begangene Unrecht einsehen und geriihrt 
mir eine bessere Zukunft verheissen. Statt dessen riss er das geliebte 
Bild, das auf meinem Schreibtisch vor ihm stand, herunter, zerschmetterte 
den Rahmen, zerknutschte die wundervolle Zeichnung, tobte und wiitete. 
—Wie ich es iiberlebte, weiss ich nicht. Nur weiss ich, dass Gutzkow 
zornentbrannt fortraste und nicht wiederkam! ” 105 

With reference to this double loss of wife and friend, Gutz¬ 
kow wrote in his diary: “ Eine Liebe, die wir begraben, macht 
uns weich und zu Priestem. Eine Liebe, mit der wir brechen, 
macht uns stark und zu Tyrannen.” 106 

Even though we may not justify Gutzkow’s conduct, we 
must at least try to understand his motives and realize the 
predicament in which he found himself. Therese was now 
forty-five years old and seven years his senior. Gutzkow’s 
youthful ardor had waned. As a divorced woman, moreover, 
she was without means, and Gutzkow’s pen was not sufficient 
to provide for her as she had been accustomed to be provided 
for. There was also a certain bourgeois pride in his dis¬ 
inclination to wed a woman of the nobility. And his children, 
who were greatly in need of a mother’s care and guiding 
hand, could not be disregarded, and Gutzkow could well doubt 
whether Therese would have given them the unselfish care 
and devotion they required. 107 Then there was the dread of 
publicity which he abhorred, and above all, the disquieting 

105 K. E. Franzos, op. cit., p. 250 f. 

106 Peter Muller, Beitrdge zur Wiirdigung von Karl Gutzkow als 
Lustspieldichter, Marburg, 1910, p. 8. 

107 Cf. his letter to his uncle Meidinger: “Auch hab’ ich an den 
Kindern das Bleigewicht einer zwar teuren Last, des einzigen sprechenden 
Vermachtnisses der Verstorbenen, aber auch welche Verpflichtungen 
jetzt, welche Anweisung auf eine bestimmte feste Grenze meiner Lebens- 
bahn! Ware ich vermogend genug, sie in Pension zu geben, so wiirde 
das meinem Herzen nicht geniigen; ich liebe die Kinder innig, und 
mochte sie brav erziehen, dass ich mir keine Vorwiirfe zu machen 
brauche.” Dresden, August 27, 1848. Printed in Dresch, op. cit., 440. 


30 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

and troubling consciousness that it was on her account that 
Amalie’s happiness had been marred. All of these elements 
undoubtedly played some part in determining his final resolu¬ 
tion, and as Houben suggests, 108 we must therefore take his 
own confession to Feodor Wehl with a grain of salt: 

“ Ich fiihlte eine Art sittlicher Notwendigkeit, nach dem Tode meiner 
Frau Theresen nicht mehr zu gehoren, als schon seit drei Jahren fruher. 
Sie hatte zuviel, zuviel getan, mir das schmerzliche Gefuhl, zwischen 
zwei mich liebenden Wesen zu stehen, zur Holle zu machen. Mir lag 
das Gluck der Verbindung mit Theresen nur in der Verschwiegenheit; 
sie wollte sie offentlich. Darin lag der tiefe Konflikt zwischen uns 
beiden schon seit Jahren. Was ich mir, meiner Frau, meinen Kindern 
schuldig war, wurde immer von ihr als Null geachtet. Das Geheimnis 
hatte mich fesseln konnen, die Publizitat erkaltete mich.” 109 

Several months afterwards, August 24, 1849, Therese 
married Heinrich Baron von Liitzow, a Colonel in Batavia, 
and accompanied him to Java. 110 She died September 16, 
1852, while returning to her native country. Hearing of her 
death Gutzkow wrote to Wehl: “ Man schreibe auf ihr Grab: 
Denen, die sie liebte, war sie die Liebe! ” 111 

Gutzkow himself contracted a second marriage with Bertha 
Meidinger, a cousin of his first wife. He had spent a good 
part of the summer in Frankfurt with Amalie’s family, and 
when he returned to Dresden the engagement had taken place. 
They were married on September 19, 1849, less than a month 
after Therese’s wedding. 

Gutzkow was now thirty-eight years old and his wife who 
had grown up as an older playmate of his own children was 
only twenty-two. He writes to Wehl that he has made a good 
choice with his young, pretty and talented wife: “ Waren in 
meiner guten verstorbenen Frau nur einige Funken von dem 

108 “ E} ne Freundin Karl Gutzkows.” 

109 Wehl, Zeit und Menschen, I, 270 f. 

110 Cf. the formal announcement, ibid., I, 269. 

111 Ibid., 273. 


GUTZKOW’s PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH WOMEN 31 

gelegen gewesen, die in meiner jetzigen liegen, der Roman 
Therese ware nie gespielt worden.” 112 This is corroborated 
by Amalie’s mother, who states that he was acting like a 
young man of twenty, and she does not recall ever having 
seen him so “ zartlich ” with his first wife. 113 It also shows, 
however, that his first bitter grief at Amalie’s death was 
somewhat of an illusion, and did not leave permanent scars. 

In a letter to his father-in-law he asserted that it was a 
truly magnetic attraction and real love that determined his 
choice, 114 but to Dingelstedt he expresses himself more pro¬ 
saically : “ Ich selbst habe dabei das sehnsuchtigste Bediirfnis 
nach nicht philisterhaftem aber doch stillem Gluck. Ein ganz 
neues Wesen in mein Leben eintreten zu lassen, hatte mir 
viel Miihe und Sorge gemacht. Eine Art Pietat bestimmte 
mich daher, eine nahe Verwandte meiner armen hingegangenen 
Amalie zu wahlen, so setz’ ich fort, was schon einmal 
angekniipft war.” 115 

For several years this marriage proved a great blessing 
for Gutzkow. It rejuvenated him and gave him new courage 
to face his problems. This state of mental peace and calm 
was favorable for his literary work and with youthful zest 
and vigor he launched out upon the enormous task of writing 
the Ritter vom Geist . 

But gradually this new relationship also became a burden. 
The difference in age was too great. Gutzkow became more 
and more soured and embittered, and to live with him must 
have been a real ordeal for his young wife. With the addition 
in his family of three daughters the problem of providing for 
them became more and more acute. At the same time Gutzkow 

112 Wehl, Das Junge Deutschland, p. 203. 

113 Dresch, op. cit., p. 445. 

114 Ibid., p. 449 f. 

115 Dresden, Oct. 15, 1849. Rudolf Gohler, “ Dingelstedt und Gutz¬ 
kow,” p. 382. 


32 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

felt hampered in his personal freedom, as when he complains 
to Devrient that he is not master of his own fate, because he 
is urged by his wife not to give up his position with the “ Schil- 
lerstiftung ” in Weimar. 116 

As a result of his persecution-mania, which in 1865 caused 
a temporary mental derangement, everything took on a drab 
and hostile complexion which precluded any further matri¬ 
monial bliss and happiness. 

116 Houben, Devrient, p. 451. 


CHAPTER II 


THE REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW’S EXPERIENCES 
IN HIS WORK 1 

Until 1834 Gutzkow’s works are little concerned with 
women. These early works were not spontaneous productions. 
They were not written as a result of an overwhelming impulse 
to give artistic expression to his innermost feelings. The 
beginnings of his literary work were entirely under the influ¬ 
ence of the July Revolution of 1830. During his student 
years his greatest ambition was to participate in the political 
and social regeneration of his country. In his Ruckblicke auf 
mein Leben he vividly recalls this period: 

“ Es war die Zeit und das noch ungelichtete Chaos ihrer Forderungen, 
das machtige Wehen und Rauschen in den neuen Luftstromungen, die 
iiber die Menschheit hinwegzogen, es war das deutlich vernehmbare 
Lauten einer zur Zeit noch unsichtbaren neuen Kirche des freien Geistes, 
das die Jiinglingsseele fast nur noch allein erfiillte. Wie sich eine 
sanguinisch-cholerische Natur, die ich indessen nicht war, zum Allge- 
meinen aufschwingen, wie eine solche am Leben der Zeit, am Leben 
ihrer Nation die heisseste Sehnsucht, sich als Burger und Denker zu 
bewahren, zu befriedigen vermochte, das ersah ich recht ... in den 
Juni- und Julitagen des denkwiirdigen Jahres 1830.” 2 

Just as Menzel’s Deutsche Literatur had influenced his 
early attitude toward literature, so Borne now became his 

1 In investigating this phase of Gutzkow’s work, the author has made 
liberal use of the preliminary work done by Houben, Proelss, Gensel, 
and others. Cf. Houben, “ Gutzkows Frauen in Leben und Dichtung;” 
Gutzkow-Funde, 281 ff.; Studien iiber die Dramen Karl Gutzkows; Proelss, 
Das Junge Deutschland, particularly pp. 381 ff.; Gensel, Introduction 
and Notes to his edition of Gutzkows Werke and of Die Ritter vom 
Geist. 

2 Houben, W., XI, 12. 


33 


34 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

guide amid the political questions of the day. 3 “ Ich hatte bei 
beiden,” he relates in Das Kastanienwdldchen in Berlin (1869), 
“ die Literatur unter dem Gesichtspunkt des Zeit-und 
Volksgeistes, vollends die Poesie in ihrem Zusammenhang mit 
dem Bediirfnis der Erneuerung auf dem Gebiet aller Dis- 
ziplinen, jedenfalls mit den Bediirfnissen des nationalen 
Lebens, unserer Erziehung und Geselligkeit. Machtig ergriff 
mich der Drang zur Anteilnahme am Kampf fur die gute 
Sache der Schonheit, Freiheit und Wahrheit.” 4 In his first 
critical venture, the Forum der Journal-Literatur , 5 and in his 
subsequent articles for the Morgenblatt and Literaturblatt , 6 he 
is carrying out his professed desire to influence public opinion 
and bring about a closer relationship between literature and 
public life. 

Nevertheless, during the early stages of his courtship of 
Rosalie, we find in the most unexpected place a barely con¬ 
cealed reference to her, a reference which gives us at least a 
glimpse of his personal life, which seems almost submerged 
in his political and journalistic activity. At the end of the 
bombastic introductory essay to his Forum, entitled “ Emana¬ 
tion des Objects aus dem Subject,” having mentioned the book- 
dealer Gubitz, he closes with a curious association of ideas: 
“Von meinem Ich bin ich ausgegangen, lasst mich jetzt 
wieder in seine Tiefen zuriickkehren, in die geheimen Falten 
des Herzens! Hab’ ich bis jetzt durch des Weltalls unnermess- 
liche Raume gepoltert, gonnt mir zuletzt nur noch so einen 
Schafergedanken beim triiben Dammerschein der diistern 
Lampe.—Doch nichts ohne Logik, meine Herren!—ich halte 

3 Proelss, op. cit., p. 252. 

^ Houben, W., XII, 41. 

5 Jan-Sept., 1831. For an analysis of contents cf. Proelss, op. cit., 
pp. 254 ff. 

6 For a list of these cf. Houben, Gutzkow-Funde, pp. 518 ff. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW’S EXPERIENCES 


35 


viel auf Ideenassoziation!—Gubitz—Vereinsbuchhandlung— 
Kochstrassee—Ja! die Kochstrasse. 

“ Ich ruf’ es laut und ohn’ Erroten, 

Das siisse, werte Weib, 

Es hilft in alien Noten, 

Und trostet Seel’ und Leib! ” 7 

Apart from this halting lyric outburst, we find no other 
allusions to Rosalie in his works of this period. There is only 
one poem in his collection, entitled Wechselnde Stimmung in 
Liedern und Epigrammen , that bears the date of 1831, and 
this, as Proelss points out, shows that the Zeitgeist had taken 
hold of him with a fervor that is ordinarily only found in the 
passion of love. “ Das Klirren der Kette, welche die Un- 
freiheit der ihn umgebenden Zustande bedingte, vermochten 
die Worte der Liebe nicht zu ubertonen. Die Geliebte ward 
nicht zur Armida ihres Helden. . . .” 8 This Tendenz in his 
own work furnishes a probable explanation for his attitude 
toward Heine and Borne. In the Forum he praised Borne, 
but expressed a dislike for Heine’s too sentimental love 
lyrics. 9 

Menzel, who in his letter of August 23, 1831, held out high 
prospects for Gutzkow if he would write political articles, 10 
and who upon Gutzkow’s arrival in Stuttgart looked askance 
at his ambition to write lyric poetry and again advised him to 
devote himself exclusively to literary and political criticism, 11 
remained of decisive influence until Gutzkow’s meeting with 
Laube and Schlesier in 1833 and 1834. Menzel also stood 
sponsor for his first literary offspring, the Briefe eines Narren 
cn eine Ndrrin (1832), written under the influence of Borne’s 

7 Forum, 39 f. 

* Proelss, op. cit., 263. 

9 Ibid., 260. 

10 Ibid., 265. 

11 Ibid., 279. 


36 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

Briefe aus Paris, and taking the cue for its title from Menzel’s 
review of Borne’s book. Here the Suabian critic had stated 
that the enthusiasts for freedom are called fools, but are never¬ 
theless denied the license of fools. 12 In order to lead the 
censors astray, the beginning and end of each of Gutzkow’s 
Briefe consisted of extravagant and fantastic outbursts of 
love, but this love merely was that of a patriot for his coun¬ 
try. 13 Gutzkow’s other chief works while “adjutant” of 
Menzel, such as Maha Guru (1833), Prinz von Madagaskar 
(1834), and Nero (1835), contain no personal elements. The 
first two, describing life and conditions in Tibet and Mada¬ 
gascar respectively, were of a type of Tendenzliteratur, very 
much in vogue at that time, and contained hidden allusions 
to European conditions, while the last-named was a satire on 
the union of absolutism and romanticism as embodied in the 
person of Ludwig I of Bavaria. 14 

A change in Gutzkow’s literary work took place after his 
acquaintance with Laube. Their close relations began with a 
journey together to Italy and Austria in the summer of 1833. 
In his Ruckblicke Gutzkow admits Laube’s decisive influence 
on his work and states that as a result his relations with Men¬ 
zel were considerably affected. 15 Gutzkow now takes a keener 
interest in purely literary and esthetic questions, his style 
begins to lose its reflective, philosophic character, and he 
gradually comes to accept the view that the poetry of the 
modern spirit must create modern surroundings and contem¬ 
porary figures. 16 In the following spring Gutzkow was 
aroused even more by the outspoken criticism of Gustav 
Schlesier, the literary and esthetic oracle of Laube’s circle in 

12 Ibid., 2,yy, 294. 

13 Ibid., 294. 

14 Ibid., 321 f. 

is Houben, W., XI, 17. 

16 Proelss, op. cit., 351. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW's EXPERIENCES 37 

Leipzig. Schlesier pointed out that Voltaire and Diderot, 
whom Gutzkow had evidently imitated were outworn models 
and continued: “ Herzblut miissen Sie zeigen! Den Charakter 
der Gegenwart trefifen! Sich Ihre Brust aufreissen! Nur 
‘ modern/ spezifisch ‘ modem’ muss der Schriftsteller von 
heute sein! Die deutsche Literatur darf nur noch den Weg 
wandeln, den alien Literaturen Europas die Baronin Dudevant, 
George Sand, vorgezeichnet hat! ” 17 
These words stirred Gutzkow deeply and produced a verit¬ 
able revolution in him. “ Sein Spott hatte mich aus meinem 
Frieden gerissen/ , he states. 18 But it was not merely this 
critical dictum that cast him down. The surging billows 
of discontent and uncertainty in his literary work were 
whipped into a raging fury by the developing crisis in his 
emotional life. Even before the final rupture with Rosalie, 
her letters reveal a fear and uneasiness that Gutzkow’s grow¬ 
ing fame and his absorption in literary matters might estrange 
him from her. 19 In his calmer moments Gutzkow himself 
must have felt with increasing irritation the invisible barrier 
arising between them in spite of their ardent love. What a 
contrast between her childlike innocence, her apparent con¬ 
tentment with her narrow-minded bourgeois environment, her 
pious adoration of Schleiermacher, and Gutzkow’s ever-widen¬ 
ing outlook upon life, his boundless ambitions and above all, 
his critical and even hostile attitude toward the orthodox 
church. Here was a subject such as Schlesier had demanded, 
a modern problem, a conflict that from his own experience he 
bitterly felt to be real. He felt the illusions of early life, the 
faith in love and dogma, crumble within him and a resultant 
emotion urgently demanded expression. So he proceeds to dis- 

1 7 Houben, W., XI, 20. 

18 Ibid., 21. 

19 Proelss, op. cit., 376. 

4 


38 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

card for a moment his political interests and give poetic ex¬ 
pression to the futility and hopelessness of his love for Rosalie 
in the satirical sketch Kanarienwgels Liebe und Leid. It was 
written during the first part of the year 1834, perhaps while 
he was still in Leipzig with Laube and Schlesier, and pub¬ 
lished in April of the same year in No. 79-81 of the Morgen- 
blatt. 

An innocent Thuringian canary, growing adolescent, falls 
in love with its image in the mirror. After some months of 
tender and faithful devotion it desires a closer union with the 
object of its love and ventures an embrace. But now it is 
cruelly disillusioned, the mirror forms an insurmountable 
barrier. “ Es war die Geschichte von den beiden Konigskin- 
dern, die Geschichte von Hero und Leander, welche in diesem 
Falle ein glaserner Hellespont trennte! Sie konnten nicht 
zusammenkommen! ” 20 Its grief is further intensified by 
doubts as to the reality of the beloved, which it could see but 
not touch. But when it sees it move again, it reproaches itself 
with unfaithfulness, but suffers more than ever. “ Wider 
Willen war er zur Resignation verdammt; er war gezwungen, 
ein Ritter Toggenburg zu werden, und harmte sich sehr.” 21 
The canary continues to pine away until at last it is killed by 
its false friend, the cat. As Houben aptly says, it is “ eine 
Ironisierung seines Verhaltnisses zu Rosalien, ein schmerzliches 
Lacheln fiber diese Aussichtslosigkeit einer Liebe, die ihn noch 
mit voller Leidenschaft umfing.” 22 

But even before this sketch was published the inevitable 
had happened. The tragedy of circumstances, culminating in 
his Nekrolog auf Schleiermacher, had robbed him of his 
dearly beloved Rosalie. As Goethe’s Werther was a spon¬ 
taneous discharge of all his pent-up emotions, so Gutzkow 

20 Houben, W., V, 17. 

21 Idem. 

22 Ibid., I, 37 - 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW's EXPERIENCES 39 

sought peace and liberation in the poetic imaging of his great 
misfortune. During this summer in Hamburg he wrote the 
Sadduzaer von Amsterdam, the masterpiece of his youthful 
period. It was completed in September, after his arrival in 
Stuttgart, and published in No 235-252 of the Morgenblatt in 
the same year. 23 In his Gutzkow-Funde Houben has made an 
exhaustive analysis of all the personal elements entering into 
the story and its later dramatization as Uriel Acosta, showing 
how completely every phase of it is bound up with Gutzkow’s 
whole life. We shall content ourselves here in pointing out 
how his experience with Rosalie is faithfully reproduced. 

Uriel Acosta, although bom a Jew, had been brought up 
in the Christian faith. But closer contact with the leaders of 
the church had revealed to him their hypocrisy, and so he had 
returned to the belief of his forefathers. Fear of the Inquisi¬ 
tion had induced him to leave Portugal and take up his resi¬ 
dence in Holland. His great learning soon made him a con¬ 
spicuous member of the new community. He was expected to 
become a public champion of the Jewish doctrine. But this 
he refused to do, as new doubts began to trouble him. He 
remained silent when the synagogue was attacked and declared 
that he would never be able to defend the selfish morality of 
his co-religionists. A conflict with the synagogue was im¬ 
minent, especially as his private papers, to which he had con¬ 
fided the results of his speculations, had been stolen by his 
adversaries. But Uriel is in no mood for a clash. He is full 
of resignation and despair because of his conviction that there 
is no such thing as absolute truth. 

In this frame of mind he surrenders himself to his love for 
Judith Vanderstraaten, the beautiful daughter of the wealthy 
Manasse. She is his only refuge and hope in the bewildering 
maze of doubts and troubles. But while the lovers are enjoy- 
23 Proelss, op. ext 374. 


40 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

ing a few blissful hours in utter oblivion of the outside world 
the representatives of the synagogue arrive to proclaim the 
terrible curse of the elders, culminating in the ban of ex- 
communication. The effect of this curse on the bystanders is 
a far greater shock to Uriel than the curse itself. All with¬ 
draw from him as from one plague-stricken, and Judith like¬ 
wise offers no resistance, when her father snatches her away 
from him. “ Uriel stretched out his hands to her entreatingly, 
but she was too weak to defy the curse. Horrified she repelled 
his advances.” 24 

Uriel rushes away in rage and despair, tortured by the 
thought of Judith’s unfaithfulness. He stops for a moment 
at the house of his sister, whose “ pure and unselfish love ” is 
in marked contrast to Judith’s behavior, but he does not wish 
to implicate her and hurries off again. 

For several months he wanders about aimlessly, but is 
unable to forget Judith. Meanwhile Judith herself is driven 
by her love to set out on a search for Uriel and is overjoyed 
to find him. She is filled with remorse and asseverates her 
undying love. But in explaining her conduct she places part 
of her blame on Uriel: “ Warum verschlossest du mir deinen 
Geist? Warum zogst du mich nicht zu dir hinauf, Uriel! 
Du lebtest am Tage unter deinen Gottem und wenn der Abend 
kam, liessest du dich zu mir, einer schwachen, kindischen 
Sterblichen herab. So zerschnittest du selbst das Band, das in 
jener furchterlichen Stunde mich sonst unzertrennlich an 
dich gefesselt haben wiirde.” 25 

Nevertheless Judith proposes that he should retract his 
opinions and return to the church, and Uriel, carried away by 
his love and anxious to have all obstacles removed as quickly 
as possible, allows himself to be persuaded formally to recant. 

24 Houben, W., V. 37 - 

25 Ibid., 44- 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW’s EXPERIENCES 41 

No sooner has he taken this step when his former independ¬ 
ence and scepticism return. But he now chafes and frets and is 
divided against himself. This naturally affects his love for 
Judith. The former spontaneity has vanished, he is absent- 
minded and sullen. Judith recognizes the cause of his dis¬ 
tress. She realizes that in asking him to recant she had de¬ 
manded too great a sacrifice. Determined to prove her love, 
she implores him to put her to a test, now fully confident that 
no power in heaven or earth can shake her love. With renewed 
joy and bold fearlessness Uriel now resumes his studies and 
becomes an apostate from the faith for a second time. While 
avoiding a challenging attitude he is determined to proclaim 
the truth as he sees it, whenever necessary. He associates 
again with freethinkers, both Christian and Jew, and is pre¬ 
paring to publish the results of his investigations. 

The consciousness of Judith’s unfailing love, her sympa¬ 
thetic interest in his studies, have made a new man of him. 
“ Er machte Judith zur Vertrauten seiner Studien, er bemiihte 
sich, sie von ihren Vorurteilen zu befreien.” 26 And she makes 
every effort to follow him, she accepts all the conclusions of 
his thought, up to the point where he denies the immortality 
of the soul. This proves to be the stumbling block. “ Sie 
fiihlte, dass sie an der Grenze war, fiber die hinaus sie ihm 
nicht mehr folgen konnte. . . . Sie krfimmte sich wehklagend 
in dem Zauberkreis seiner Worte, beschwor ihn, seine Formeln 
zuriickzunehmen, und richtete sich, wie atemlos, mit der 
letzten Frage an ihn, ob denn auch die Schwfire ihrer Liebe 
verhallen mfissten in das Nichts, und sich Liebende im 
Jenseits nicht wiederfinden wiirden? Uriel verneinte alles.” 27 

Judith is tortured by this conflict between love and faith 
and can find no solution of this dilemma. At times she even 

™Ibid„ 56. 

Ibid., 59 f• 


42 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

feels hate rising up within her against the author of her des¬ 
pair, and her love for him begins to waver. 

Uriel, on becoming aware of her changed attitude, sinks 
back into his former indecision and despair. “ Er war auf 
alles gefasst gewesen, was die Zukunft ihm hatte bieten 
konnen, nur auf Judiths Verlust nicht. Sie hatte ja die Halfte 
der Last zu tragen auf sich genommen oder doch versprochen, 
sich durch nichts, was auch eintreten konnte, von ihm trennen 
zu lassen. Er hatte alles, was die Zukunft versagen mochte, 
durch sie ersetzt gehofft, und sich daran gewohnt, sie sich als 
die Teilhaberin jedes kiinftigen Gliickes oder Missgeschickes 
zu denken.” 28 And so he is led to believe that by recanting 
a second time he can fully regain Judith’s affections. To this 
end he surrenders himself once more, but in vain. After 
several months of imprisonment, followed by cruel humiliations 
and bodily chastisement, he is freed again only to find Judith 
celebrating her marriage with his treacherous relative Jochai. 
In an effort to revenge himself he aims a pistol at the latter, 
but accidentally shoots Judith. In despair he then kills him¬ 
self. 

Gutzkow’s purpose, according to Proelss, 29 was to show 
what his own fate would have been, if he had heeded the 
requests of his parents and the entreaties of his betrothed, 
and, contrary to his own convictions, had compromised with 
religious orthodoxy and become one of its henchmen. For this 
reason the historical Uriel who was in his fifties at the time 
of his persecution by the synagogue, is endowed with Gutz¬ 
kow’s own youthful features, and Judith is fashioned after 
his own beloved Rosalie. Even in the progress of the story, 
there is a striking resemblance to Gutzkow’s own changing 
fortunes with Rosalie between the years 1830 and 1834. 30 

^ ibid., 61. 

29 Op. cit., 381 f. 

30 The following parallels are based in the main on Proelss, op. cit., 
383; Houben, Gut2kow-Funde, 347 ff. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW’S EXPERIENCES 43 

Gutzkow’s struggle between his desire on Rosalie’s account 
to secure a position with a fixed income and his longing to 
become a literary free lance is reflected in Uriel’s wavering 
between his championing of liberal views of religion and his 
humble submission to the authority of the synagogue. The 
effect of Gutzkow’s radical writings on the authorities of state 
and church, together with his inclination to devote himself 
entirely to literary work, were just as shocking to Rosalie as 
Uriel’s excommunication by the synagogue was to Judith. 
Similarly as Judith had recoiled from Uriel in horror when 
the ban had been pronounced, so Rosalie had felt constrained 
to break relations with Gutzkow, as pointed out in the pre¬ 
ceding chapter. The resistance of Rosalie’s mother is trans¬ 
ferred in the story to Judith’s father. However, the love 
of Judith leads Uriel to recant and to return into the bosom of 
the church. Similarly Gutzkow’s love for Rosalie was the 
cause of his repeated attempt to follow a respectable and con¬ 
servative calling, first by preparing himself for a teaching 
career and then by taking up the study of law. But just as 
Judith recognizes that she had demanded too great a sacrifice 
and strives to share Uriel’s intellectual life, so Rosalie had 
at last become reconciled to Gutzkow’s decision to become a 
professional writer. She had even begun to take a keen 
interest in his literary work, to assist him with translations 
and to keep him in touch with important events in Berlin. 31 
There were limits, however, beyond which she could not go. 
Gutzkow’s Nekrolog ctuf Schleiermacher, as a result of which 
he was publicly charged with being an atheist, was the final 
blow from which she could not recover. In similar manner, 
Judith is unable to bear the shock of Uriel’s bold denial of 
the immortality of the soul. 

Speaking of Rosalie’s defection in his Riickblicke Gutzkow 
31 Proelss, op. cit., 375. 


44 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

states: “ Mit dieser schlechtbestandenen Probe eines liebenden 
Herzens gingen mir unermessliche Schatze des Lebens 
zugrunde. Der Nibelungenhort, den ich im Frauentum 
gefunden zu haben glaubte, versank mir wie unwiederbring- 
lich. Keinen Mut, keine hochherzige Willenskraft hatte die 
Reinste ihres Gescblechts zu zeigen vermocht! . . . Mir 
erstarb—der Glaube an die Bewahrung des Frauentums fur 
jene Welt, der mein Leben gehorte. Sie konnen nicht teilneh- 
men, rief mein sich krummender Schmerz, am grossen Kampfe 
der Zeit!” 32 If we compare the criticism here expressed of 
Rosalie with the character of Judith in the story, we are 
struck by the remarkable resemblance and may well say with 
Proelss 33 that the Jewish heroine’s character is a psycho¬ 
logical portrait of Rosalie. 

In the- next chapter we shall have occasion to point out 
how the emotional crisis produced by Rosalie’s defection also 
played a significant part in the genesis of Wally, die Zweiflerin 
and the radical utterances contained therein. We have been 
led to postpone the discussion of this novel, because as ex¬ 
plained in our introduction, neither in the characters nor in 
the problems of Wally has our author given a direct portrayal 
of his experiences with Rosalie. An investigation, however, 
at this point, of the indirect influences bearing on Wally, would 
lead us too far afield. 

Neither need we concern ourselves here with any further 
discussion of Seraphine beyond the mere statement that it was 
likewise inspired by an unhappy love-aflfair. The chief con¬ 
tents, in so far as they shed any light on Gutzkow’s engage¬ 
ment to Leopoldine Spohn, were related in the last chapter. 34 

In spite of the ban imposed on his writings in 1835, Gutz- 

32 Houben, W, XI, 26 f. 

33 Op. cit., 382. 

34 Chap. I, pp. s ff. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW’s EXPERIENCES 45 

kow was extremely productive in the period immediately 
following his imprisonment, but as the works of this period 
are largely critical essays, dealing with literary, philosophical 
and historical problems, we need not pause on them. 35 We 
may also pass over the satirical novel on pedagogical methods, 
Blasedow und seine Sohne, and the plays Saul and Richard 
Savage which ushered in his dramatic career. None of these 
was directly inspired by Gutzkow’s relations with women. But 
of hi£ next play, Werner oder Herz und Welt , 36 he states in 
his Riickblicke: “ Hier hatte ich den Stoff aus mir selbst 
entlehnt, aus meinem eigenen Leben,” 37 and in the preface 
to the play he informs us that he wished to dramatize “ eine 
wiedererwachte erste Liebe.” 38 

It would not be difficult to identify this re-born love with 
Rosalie even without Gutzkow’s specific corroboration. The 
loss of Rosalie was too keenly felt to be quickly forgotten, 
and that there were many bitter hours of remorse is shown 
by the following lines in his diary: 

“ Als wir uns beide einst getrennt, 

Ich heller Zorn, Du nicht im Frieden, 

Da liesst Du mir, Du riefst sie selber nicht— 

Die qualendste der Eumeniden.” 39 

His young wife Amalie was not able to dispel the haunting 
recollection of Rosalie. There was not a sufficient community 
of interest between them to make their love all embracing 
and perfect within itself. Gutzkow, moreover, soon felt irri- 

35 Zur Philosophie der Geschichte, 1836; Uber Goethe im Wende- 
punkte zweier Jahrhunderte, 1836; Beitrdge zur Geschichte der neuesten 
Literatur, 1836; Die Zeitgenossen, 1837; Gotter, Helden, Don-Quixote, 
1838. 

36 Written in December, 1839, an d produced February 22, 1840. Cf. 
Houben, Studien, 5. 

37 Houben, W., XI, 37 - 

™Ibid., II, 135. 

39 Proelss, op. cit., 377. 


46 


WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 


tated by his lack of freedom. In one of his poems, entitled 
“ Gezahmt,” which was written in April, 1837, less than a 
year after his marriage, he gives expression to this feeling 
of being caged in: 

“ So hab’ ich einen kurzen Augenblick 
Mich aus dem Wirrwarr wieder selbst zuriick! 

Der Friihling will hervor; ich kann nicht weilen, 

Muss seine Bliiten einzuholen eilen. 

Und wie ein Vogel, dem von seiner Haft 
Ein blindes Ungefahr Erlosung schafft, 

Und der nicht weiss, darf er dem Dinge trauen 
Und auf die Freiheit seiner Fliigel bauen— 

So blick’ ich in die freie Welt hinaus, 

Liess Frau und Kind daheim im kleinen Haus, 

Und sinne finster nach, wie jenen Bergen, 

Ich mocht’ entfliehn, die meiner Freiheit Schergen. 

Vom Frankenlande weht ein Liiftchen her, 

Des Rheines Welle eilt behend ins Meer,— 

Die Hand rasch an die Brust, ein wildes Streiten 
Tobt drinnen von den Geistern alter Zeiten! 

Doch wie die Welle so voriiber rauscht, 

Wie oben Wolke sich mit Wolke tauscht, 

So fiihl’ ich wohl, dass ich im Banne liege, 

Und nicht mehr weit von meinem Neste fliege. 

Es ist ein Zauber, der mich wie Magnet, 

Je mehr ich geh’, je mehr im Kreise dreht, 

So dass ich wohl—nach einer Urlaubswoche 
An meines Kafigs Fenster wieder poche.” 40 

This frame of mind only served to bring out in stronger 
relief the image of Rosalie and caused him to look back wist¬ 
fully to the blissful hours spent with her. We can, therefore, 
understand his intense emotion when, towards the end of 1837 
on a visit to Berlin, he beheld again all the familiar scenes 
40 Houben, W., X, 272. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW's EXPERIENCES 


47 


of his former joys and sorrows, when he saw Rosalie and 
conversed with her father without noting any display of 
ill-feeling. He deeply laments “ das Verfehlthaben eines 
Zuges meines Herzens.” 41 But his poetic fancy takes hold 
of the problem, and it is this conflict which he has portrayed 
in Werner. Let us see how it has taken form and shape. 

Heinrich Werner, a capable and gifted young man, has 
broken faith with his fiancee, Marie Winter. He has deserted 
her in favor of the daughter of President von Jordan. Spurred 
by his ambitions and with the prospects of a brilliant career, 
he marries Julie von Jordan and even exchanges his own 
name for that of his father-in-law. “ Ich wollte mich dem 
Geist des Jahrhunderts in die Arme werfen und riss mich aus 
denen einer idyllischen Liebe los,” he says, in explaining his 
faithlessness. 42 Although happily married and devoted to 
his wife and children, he is subject to melancholy broodings, 
and when he hears that Marie is now impoverished and in dire 
straits, his conscience is aroused, and all his efforts to forget 
her are fruitless. We feel that Gutzkow is giving vent to his 
own feelings when Heinrich says: 

“Zu friih—zu friih hat der Geier des Ehrgeizes an meinem Herzen 
genagt und mich fiir die Opfer blind gemacht, die ich meinen gliihenden 
Idealen in die grausamen Molochsarme legte! Nun hohnen mich die 
Streiflichter des Reichtums, der mich umgibt; die Leiter der Auszeich- 
nungen, die ich erklomm, wankt unter meinen Fussen, und ich erschrecke 
vor den Erinnerungen, die aus einer wild bewegten, aber unendlich 
schonen Zeit in mein einsames Innere heriiberklingen. Vergessen— 
o!—einst konnt’ ich es so gut und jetzt—mocht’ ich den Lethestrom aus- 
trinken—ich kann es nicht! Jeder Baum, den ich auf dem Schauplatz 
meiner Jugend hier wieder begriisse, fliistert mir mit angstlicher Ver- 
traulichkeit vergangene Leiden und vergangene Seligkeiten zu.” 43 

The " spectres of the golden, beautiful past ” that he is 
unable to banish become a living reality when Marie Winter 

41 Ibid., XI, 37 f. 

42 Ibid., II, 157. 

“Ibid., 148 f. 


48 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

unwittingly accepts a position in his household as the gover¬ 
ness of his children. Marie, of course, is anxious to leave as 
soon as she recognizes him, but he will not let her go, saying: 

“ Erleichterung kann ich nur in dem Gedanken finden, dass 
Julie sich an dich gewohnt, deine Freundin wird und wir 
einen einigen trauten Bund der Seelen schliessen. ,, 44 He 
hopes that his wife will approve of this platonic relationship 
and that in thus making amends, he will ease his conscience. 
But Julie, although ardently devoted to him, follows the 
promptings of her natural instincts, refuses to be reconciled 
to this unusual situation and takes refuge in the house of her 
father. 

The key to the solution of this conflict between Heinrich’s ' 
love for his wife and his duty to Marie is furnished by Marie 
herself. By marrying Heinrich’s friend Fels, she releases 
Heinrich from every obligation and thereby sets his mind at 
rest. Heinrich himself does penance by renouncing the high 
position that he owes to his father-in-law. He resumes his 
former name and plans to stand entirely on his own merits. 
Julie, his wife, now voluntarily returns to him. 

We do not find here in every phase of the action the same 
parallels in Gutzkow’s own life as we did in the Sadduzder. To 
be sure, many of the details are very likely taken from his 
experience, such as Heinrich’s gift to Marie of Schleier- 
macher’s Monologen , 45 On the other hand, the situation of 
a man placed between two women is purely imaginary for 
this period of Gutzkow’s life. Apart from Gutzkow’s brief 
meeting with Rosalie in 1837, he never saw her again. In 

44 Ibid., 160. 

45 Cf. Gensel’s footnote, W., XII, 135. In connection with the five 
years of Heinrich’s marriage, Gensel states that Gutzkow was like¬ 
wise married five years at the time of writing Werner in 1840. This 
is inaccurate. Gutzkow was married July 18, 1836. Werner was written 
in December, 1839, and produced in February, 1840. That would make 
approximately three and one half years since his marriage. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW’s EXPERIENCES 49 

real life she never occupied the position of Marie Winter in 
the play, nor did she ever marry. 46 Furthermore, in the play 
Marie is the innocent victim of Heinrich’s unfaithfulness, 
whereas in reality it was Rosalie who broke the engagement. 
But in the course of time Gutzkow perhaps felt that he was 
not entirely blameless. This seems to be indicated by one of 
the aphorisms in the collection entitled Vom Baum der 
Erkenntnis , 47 which was probably written with reference to 
Rosalie: “Jiingling, hast du ein Madchenherz gefunden, das 
du liebst, so lass es nicht unter die Rader deiner Entwicklung 
kommen! ” 48 His purpose in Werner was to give expression 
to his ideal attachment to Rosalie, and in order to do this the 
conflict had to be dramatically intensified. 

He did not feel, however, that this devotion to the memory 
of a former love was in any way an act of infidelity towards 
his wife. In the play, Heinrich at first expects Julie to become 
reconciled even to Marie’s presence in the household. And in 
a poem entitled “ Ein gutes Weib spricht,” written about 1841, 
he indicates the attitude that a wife should take under such 
circumstances: 

“ Ich habe deinen treuen Sinn, 

Doch nicht dein ganzes Herz. 

Du blickst zu jenen Bergen hin 
Noch oft wie heimatwarts. 

Du denkst, wenn sich in Liebe dir 
Mein ganzes Sein ergibt, 

An eine, die du lang vor mir 
In Schmerzen hast geliebt! 

O bange nicht! Du siehst mich froh. 

Mein Leid darum zerrann. 

Der ist mir lieber nur, der so 
Die Liebe lieben kann” 49 

* 6 Houben, W., XI, 26. 

47 These aphorisms were collected from the columns of the Unter - 
haltungen am hduslichen Herd and published in book-form in 1868. 

4 * Gensel, W., XII, 82. 

49 Houben, W., X, 253. 


50 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

In a letter to Devrient 50 Gutzkow called Wemer “ ein er- 
greifendes Seelenleben, ein bis ans Tragische grenzender 
Gemiitskonflikt,” indicating how deeply the subject had taken 
hold of his imagination. But the play also called forth much 
criticism. After the performance in Dresden on September 
28, 1840, a critic condemned such roles as Werner, because of 
their “ krankhafte Sentimentalitat ” and objected to the 
“ Gefuhlsschwindsucht an Mannem.” 51 This charge of 
vacillation and irresoluteness was later lodged against many 
of Gutzkow’s heroes. Sixteen years later Gutzkow’s answer 
to his critics again reveals that in such characters, and specif¬ 
ically in Werner, he has portrayed himself: 

“ Erlebt nur erst etwas, ihr Abstraktionsmenschen, lasst euch das 
Gewirr der menschlichen Anspriiche, wo jeder fiir sein Ich eine 
Berechtigung zu haben glaubt, um die Nase streifen, die bisherige 
Weisheit derselben wird euch nicht weit iiber das Sofa hinausfuhren, auf 
welchem nur die zur Rezension eingesandten Bucher um euch herliegen! 
Erlebt Situationen wie die in einem andern Drama des Herausgebers: 
Werner geschilderten, und ihr werdet Anstand nehmen zu urteilen: 

4 Werner handelt halb wie ein Lump, halb wie ein Narr! ’ ” 62 

The play scored a great success on the stage, 53 and this 
fact undoubtedly encouraged Gutzkow to attempt the drama¬ 
tizing of similar emotional conflicts. For in the spring of 
1840, 54 shortly after the performance of Werner, Gutzkow is 
planning another play with a man irresolute between two 
women, as indicated by the sketch in his note-book, entitled 
Die Schwestern, Schauspiel in 5 Akten, 55 This was not due, 
however, to any new experience, but is merely an attempt to 

60 Dec. 28, 1839. Houben, Devrient, 182. 

51 Cited by Houben, Devrient, 66. 

52 Unterhaltungen am hduslichen Herd, 1856, p. 798. Cited by Gensel, 
W., I, 10. 

53 Sixty-two performances were given in the Burgtheater of Vienna 
between 1840 and 1869. Cf. Houben, W., XI, 38. 

54 Houben, Studien, 79. 

65 For complete text cf. ibid., 60 f. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW’s EXPERIENCES 51 

dramatize the problem treated in his novel Seraphine, just as 
he later utilized the Sadduzder and the Selbsttaufe for dram¬ 
atic treatment. But whereas in the two latter cases the 
earlier stories underwent radical changes, which, as we shall 
presently endeavor to show, were motivated by new develop¬ 
ments in his personal relations with women, the fundamental 
problem in Die Schwe stern remains the same as in Seraphine. 
A young man loves the sister of his fiancee and the latter then 
resigns in favor of the former. 56 This, as we have seen, 57 was 
an account of Gutzkow’s love affair with Leopoldine Spohn; 
but the experience was now ten years old, and as the poetic 
impulse was not strong and vivid enough, it did not imperiously 
demand expression. Die Schwestern remained a mere sketch 
for the time being. 

Two years later, however, in the summer and fall of 1842, 
interest in this problem had gained a new hold upon Gutz- 
kow. His note-books contain several sketches with the titles 
Entsagung and Die Verlobten > 58 in which the two sisters re¬ 
appear, but in which there is a complete shifting of the funda¬ 
mental problem. The conflict between the two sisters has 
here been reduced to a mere episode of quite secondary im¬ 
portance, and a third person, an entirely different woman, is 
introduced as the hero’s real love. This modification was 
retained in the final version entitled Ein weisses Blatt, which 
had its premiere in Frankfurt on November 14, 1842. 

Gustav Holm, a naturalist of great promise, had been com¬ 
missioned by his government to make extended foreign tours 
for purposes of scientific research. Before his departure he 
becomes engaged to Beate, who faithfully awaits his return. 
Homeward bound at the end of five years, having completed 

Ibid., 81 f. 

^ Chap. I, pp. 5 ff. 

68 For complete text and analysis cf. Houben, Studien, 64 ff., 72 ff. 


52 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

his investigations, Gustav makes the acquaintance of Eveline 
Steiner in London. He accompanies her and her mother to 
Germany, and instead of hurrying to his waiting fiancee he 
remains with them as their guest for some time. Eveline 
is not aware of Gustav’s engagement, which he had promised 
to keep secret, and becomes deeply infatuated with him. Gus¬ 
tav, however, has no inkling of the havoc he has wrought, nor 
does he realize at this time how much he himself has been 
affected by Eveline’s charm. Before his departure Eveline 
hands him a “ white leaf ” from her album, requesting a few 
words of remembrance.—Gustav returns to Beate, but the 
first person he meets is Tony, her younger sister. Mistaking 
her for his betrothed he embraces her. Beate having wit¬ 
nessed this scene, and searching for an explanation of his 
indifference to her, concludes that he loves Tony. But Gus¬ 
tav’s coldness is due to entirely different reasons. The five 
years of separation have wrought profound changes in both 
of them. The youthful charm and carefree buoyancy of spirit 
in Beate have given way to a matronly solicitude and complete 
absorption in the practical administration of her estate. Gus¬ 
tav, on the othdr hand, is an impractical idealist, a scholar and 
artist. There is no real community of interest between them 
any longer. Moreover, when Gustav wishes to redeem his 
promise to Eveline to inscribe a few words on her album leaf, 
he cannot bring himself to write conventional phrases, and 
as he searches his heart, he is overwhelmed by the growing 
consciousness of his overpowering love for her. Nevertheless, 
he is determined to remain faithful to his vow, fully conscious 
of the despair that is in store for him. Beate, learning the 
true state of affairs, sacrifices herself and voluntarily renounces 
her claim to Gustav. 

In considering this play, with its clear-cut conflict between 
love and duty, the question naturally arises: Why was Gutz- 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW's EXPERIENCES 53 

kow impelled to dramatize this conflict at this time? What 
caused him to take up again a problem that he had sketched 
in Die Sc\hwestern two years previously, and had then neglected 
to elaborate, and why was the original plan so profoundly 
changed? Was there a similar conflict in his personal life 
which demanded poetic expression as had been the case in the 
Sadduzder and in Werner? 

There is indeed a striking similarity between the predicament 
in which Gustav Holm finds himself and the trying situation 
Gutzkow had to face in his own life. But it is no longer Rosalie 
who is the disturbing factor. A more formidable rival has 
entered the field to contend for Gutzkow’s love. In meeting 
Therese von Bacheracht in the fall of 1841 Gutzkow had 
found the embodiment of his ideal. When towards the end 
of the play Beate says to Eveline: “ Mit Ihnen hat er gelebt, 
als sein Geist die Reife erlangt hatte, die eine Frucht seiner 
Erfahrung war. Sie wurden ihm teuer durch die Verwandt- 
schaft Hirer Geister, ,, 59 Gutzkow undoubtedly had in mind 
his relations with Therese. But like Gustav Holm he probably 
did not fully realize his love until he was parted from its 
object. In the summer of 1842, after his first journey to 
Paris, Gutzkow returned to Frankfurt, where he took up his 
residence again, the great fire having made a return to Ham¬ 
burg impossible. 60 It was now approximately five years that 
he had been separated from his wife, although she had oc¬ 
casionally visited him in Hamburg. Similarly Gustav Holm 
returns to Beate after an absence of five years. In recounting 
this period in his Riickblicke, Gutzkow merely remarks: “ Ich 
konnte jetzt nur an ein Wohnen wieder in Frankfurt denken. 
Die Konturen der Frankfurter Existenz waren seit Jahren 

59 Dram. Werke, Jena, 1881, II, Ein weisses Blatt, p. 70. 

60 Houben, W., XI, 301. 

5 


54 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

gezogen. Sie hatten sich nach mancher Seite hin erfreulich 
erweitert.” 61 It does seem strange, as Houben remarks, that 
there is not a word said about his joy of being reunited with 
Amalie. 62 As was pointed out above, 63 the lack of common 
interests had actually tended to estrange them. Gutzkow s 
return to Amalie in Frankfurt then seems to introduce the 
same elements of disappointment that Gustav Holm experi¬ 
enced after being reunited with Beate. But whereas in Gutz- 
kow’s Riickblicke Amalie is not even mentioned, he refers 
definitely to Therese, in stating that Frau Belli-Gontard made 
life in Frankfurt more agreeable, being in a way a substitute 
“ f{ir meine jetzt nur durch Briefwechsel mir eine 4 andre 
Welt’ reprasentierende Freundin in Hamburg. 64 Gutzkow s 
own conflict between his duty to Amalie and his love for 
Therese finds its poetic echo in the trials and tribulations of 
Gustav Holm. Referring to Ein weisses Blatt in a letter to 
Devrient he confesses his predilection for such subjects: Es 
ist ein Stuck, das auf der Basis des Werner steht: ein Gemalde 
gemutlicher Konflikte, in denen sich, ich gestehe es, meine 
Muse am wohlsten fiihlt.” 65 

Very illuminating are also a few ideas jotted down in his 
note-book at this time. They were written with reference to 
Ein weisses Blatt, but they also betray his actual state of mind 
at this juncture: “ Man kann fur seine Gefiihle nicht auf Jahre 
gutsagen. Liebet euch, aber gelobet nichts. Die Pflicht 
bindet—die Liebe befreit. . . . Treue ist Sklaverei, Liebe 
Freiheit.” 66 

61 Idem. 

62 The second part of Houben’s Studien is devoted to an exhaustive 
analysis of the genesis and development of Ein weisses Blatt. To this 
the author is indebted for much in this and the following paragraphs. 

63 Chap. I, p. 15. 

64 Houben, W., XI, 301 f• 

65 Sept. 7, 1842. Cf. Houben, Devrient, 214. 

66 Houben, Studien, 78. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW's EXPERIENCES 55 

Ein weisses Blatt thus portrays the love conflict which 
Gutzkow experienced in his relations with Therese. But 
this relationship also gave prominence to another problem 
which has left its traces on his work. Therese von Bacheracht 
was a member of the aristocracy, while Gutzkow sprang from 
the lower middle classes. It was but natural that this differ¬ 
ence of caste should be felt by him and that the social conflict 
should obtrude itself into his literary work. To be sure, Gutz¬ 
kow had always been unpleasantly conscious of his inferior 
social status 67 and his life had been a bitter struggle to rise 
to a higher social plane. We, therefore, meet with this element 
in earlier works, as for instance in Blasedow und seine Sohne, 
in Richard Savage , and particularly in Werner . 68 But here 
the social conflict is only a minor motive, whereas after his 
meeting with Therese it not only crops out again and again 
in his note-books, 69 but he utilizes it in novels and plays where 
it becomes one of the principal motives. 

One of the best illustrations is found in the novelette Die 
Selbsttaufe (1844), where, moreover, it is closely interrelated 
with the triangular love conflict. This story we shall there¬ 
fore consider more in detail. In a conversation with Wehl, 
Gutzkow admitted that its later dramatization as Ottfried, 
which introduces some new elements and will therefore best be 
treated separately below, was a page from his own life: “ Ott- 
fried! Auch ein Stuck meiner Leiden. Sie wissen, wer 

67 Cf. his confession in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (1839): “Ich 
werde, da ich einmal knechtisch erzogen bin, ewig hassen, was vornehm 
ist.” (Houben, W, XII, 95.) 

68 Houben, Gutzkow-Funde, 479 £. 

69 Cf. Houben, Studien, 8: “ Der Stolz und die Ehre der arbeitenden 
Klassen; Adelig und Edel ”; p. 25: “ Der alte Struve im Gegensatz zu 
dem jungen. Dieser nennt sich Freiherr und steht auf einer aris- 
tokratischeren Stufe als sein Vater; . . . Interessant ist eine adlige 
Familie, wo der alteste Sohn ein wunderschones armes Burgermadchen 
liebt.” Cf. also Houben, Gutzkow-Funde, 483 ff. for complete text of 
a dramatic sketch entitled Standesvorurteile. 


56 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

Sidonie und wer der Ottfried ist.” 70 This then applies 
equally to the basic story Die Selbsttaufe. 

Gottfried Eberlin, son of the Pastor Eberlin, and a candi¬ 
date in theology, at a time of discouragement and disappoint¬ 
ment becomes engaged to Agathe Wallmuth. Agathe is a 
simple, modest, unaffected girl without any pretensions to 
social or intellectual distinction. Her father and sister patron¬ 
izingly give their consent. But the humiliating conditions im¬ 
posed on their correspondence by Wallmuth, the latter's cate¬ 
gorical demand that Gottfried must first spend six months in 
travel, and his condescending offer to defray the expenses, 
elicit a prompt and proud refusal. As a result the correspond¬ 
ence is completely broken off. 

Some months later Gottfried accidentally meets Agathe. He 
is now completely changed. He has completed his studies, 
not as a theologian, but as a Doctor of Philosophy, and he 
has symbolized this by changing his name to Ottfried. His 
former melancholy and despondency have given way to joyous 
optimism and confidence in his abilities. His polished manners, 
his self-assured bearing, his exceptional intellectual powers, 
and, not least, his relations of intimate friendship with the 
socially prominent Baron Schonburgk, completely win over 
Agathe’s father. But Ottfried now experiences an overwhelm¬ 
ing attraction for Agathe’s sister, Sidonie von Biiren, a 
wealthy, attractive and talented widow, and finds his love 
reciprocated. A fierce conflict is waged in his heart between 
his duty to Agathe and his love for Sidonie. He finds him¬ 
self liberated from this dilemma by entering the diplomatic 
service and being despatched to Vienna as a special courier 
on the very day when his engagement to Agathe is to be 
formally announced. Sidonie soon joins him in Vienna and 
Agathe dies of a broken heart. 

70 Wehl, Zeit und Menschen, I, 278. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW's EXPERIENCES 57 

Again the two women, between whom the hero’s love is 
divided, are sisters, as in Seraphine and the dramatic sketch 
Die Schwestern, but this fact is here of very minor importance. 
The motive of social inequality forms an essential part of the 
story, although there is no very searching or profound treat¬ 
ment of this conflict. Gutzkow’s purpose was not to write a 
treatise on social problems: this element was merely reminis¬ 
cent of his own position with regard to Therese. Gottfried 
Eberlin, who like Gutzkow has abandoned theology for philos¬ 
ophy and who is, like his creator, risen from the middle classes, 
has by virtue of inherent ability and intellectual attainments, 
and in spite of earlier prejudices, won for himself a position 
of equality with the wealthy, aristocratic Wallmuth family 
and gained the love of the brilliant Sidonie von Biiren. Gutz¬ 
kow was conscious of the difference in caste between himself 
and Therese, but he was as readily received by her and her 
family as Gottfried in the story. In his Riickblicke he tells 
of the many conversations and discussions he had with 
Therese’s father, “the kind old gentleman,” to whom he ex¬ 
pressed his opinions frankly, on an evident basis of equality. 71 

The chief interest is centered in the love conflict between 
Agathe and Sidonie. In depicting the wavering of the hero 
between his duty to the one to whom he has given his pledge 
and the other to whom he is powerfully attracted by love, 
Gutzkow has drawn heavily on his own experiences. Ottfried 
describes his meeting with Agathe as follows: 

“ Ich kam geistig elend, zerknickt in meinem kiihnsten Aufschwunge 
(nach Schonlinde). . . . Ich war krank an mir selbst. Der Birke im 
Friihling gleich, die leicht geritzt schon ihren Saft verspritzt, ergriff 
und riihrte mich das Geringste. Kranken ist es so, die nach langem 
Leiden in die Genesung treten. Schamen meiner damaligen Stimmung 
mag ich mich nicht. Aber erschrecken muss ich, wenn ich bedenke, 
was Reue und Schmerz und das Gefiihl eines ankniipfungslosen, ver- 

Houben, W., XI, 295 f. 


58 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

fehlten und von fremder Gnade abhangigen Lebens aus uns machen 

konnen. O Gott-! In dieser zerflossenen Dammerung, in diesem 

ohnmachtigen Bewusstsein meiner selbst, lernte ich damals Agathen 
kennen—! ” 72 

Sidonie at first anxiously ponders the question: “War 
Agathe des ungliicklichen jungen Mannes Trost und Erquik- 
kung geworden, oder war der Bund der Liebe, den er mit ihr 
geschlossen, das letzte Symptom seiner gedampften Geistes- 
kraft, seiner mutlosen Ergebung gewesen?” 73 Finally, in 
an outburst of jealousy, she triumphantly hurls at her sister 
the words: “ In einer Abspannung seines Gemiits ist er dir 
begegnet.” 74 These passages have been quoted at length 
because they describe precisely Gutzkow’s frame of mind in 
1836 when, after being released from prison, he married 
Amalie. 

There are many other points of similarity between Agathe 
and Amalie. Agathe is described as a modest, unpretentious 
girl, very kind and unselfish, her life spent in ministering unto 
the wants of her father and sister, and of Amalie he later 
said: “ Sie meinte es gewiss gut und war ein mannigfach 
selbstloses Gemiit.” 75 Like Beate in Ein weisses Blatt and 
like Amalie, Agathe’s interests are limited to the efficient 
discharge of her household duties, the world of art and letters 
is to her a sealed book, and there is no congenial intellectual 
companionship between her and Ottfried. Sidonie on the 
other hand is her direct antithesis, and the portrait drawn of 
her coincides remarkably with the various accounts we have 
of Therese. The following passage may serve as an illustra¬ 
tion : “ Sidonie, dieses Abbild der edelsten Schonheitsformen, 
diese Zauberin, der alle huldigten, diese Kunstlerin nicht 

72 Ibid., V, 297. 

73 Idem. 

74 Ibid., 302. 

75 Briefe an eine Freundin, cited by Houben, Studien, 87. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW's EXPERIENCES 


59 


bloss mit der Palette oder der Feder, sondern diese Lebens- 
kfinstlerin, die alles verklarte, alles verschonte, was sie nur 
anlachelte, anhauchte! ” 76 Literature plays the same important 
role in the relationship between Ottfried and Sidonie as be¬ 
tween Gutzkow and Therese. Ottfried reads Sidonie’s poems 
and gives her the benefit of his critical judgment, thereby 
cementing the bonds of friendship and love: “ Er nahm 
Gelegenheit, seine Ansichten fiber Kunst und Literatur zu 
entwickeln, und statt dadurch auseinanderzurficken, kamen sie 
sich nur naher. Magischere Beziehungen gibt es nicht, als 
durch die Poesie.” 77 And finally Ottfried’s reasons for de¬ 
serting Agathe and admitting to himself his love for Sidonie 
bear all the earmarks of a personal confession: 

“ Er gestand sich mit dem bittersten Schmerz, was ihn jetzt von 
Agathen trennte. Nicht ihre geringeren Reize, nicht der Minderwert 
ihrer einfachen und prunklosen Liebe; weit eher der Stolz, die Eitelkeit 
des Mannes, der zwischen dem Gliick und der Beschrankung wahlen 
durfte, und dem bei dieser Wahl eine Krone zu verschmahen lacherlich 
erscheinen musste. . . . Alles was Agathen betraf, zog ihn nieder, alles 
was Sidonien, zog ihn empor. Er fuhlte, dass er sich vor einer gewissen 
moralischen Stimme seines Innern nicht verteidigen konnte, und ein 
wilder Trotz sagte ihm dennoch wieder: Mache dich frei von diesen klein- 
lichen Gefiihlen ! ” 78 

Therese’s attitude towards her husband seems to be re¬ 
flected in the way Sidonie regards her late spouse. Therese 
was not a widow, to be sure, but her marital bonds were of a 
very tenuous nature. After an active social life, she lost her 
only child, whereupon she sought refuge in literature. Of 
Sidonie’s widowhood we read the following account: “ Nach 
der Trauerzeit wurde sie reifer, las viel, dachte nach, dichtete, 
malte; da schwand auch die Erinnerung an ihren Gatten. Sie 
fand, dass er denn doch keine Eigenschaft besessen hatte, die 

76 Houben, W., V, 298. 

77 Ibid., 295. 

78 Ibid., 298. 


60 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

sie dauemd wiirde gliicklich gemacht haben. Sie sagte sich 
im stillen, dass er im Grunde unbedeutend gewesen, und das 
geniigte ihr, das Gedachtnis an ihn auf immer zu vertreiben.” 79 

In Agathe’s reaction to her sister’s blunt suggestion that 
she should renounce her love, we also have an indication of 
Amalie’s attitude toward Therese. Agathe does not voluntarily 
resign, as Seraphine did. She admits her sister’s superiority 
in all matters relating to intellect and acknowledges her own 
unworthiness of Ottfried, but she adds: “ Mit meinem Herzen 
kann ich so stark sein wie du mit deinem Geiste.” 80 

This somewhat elaborate analysis of Ein weisses Blatt and 
Die Selbsttaufe clearly reveals Gutzkow’s manner of utilizing 
his own experiences in his literary work. These works in 
particular reflect Gutzkow’s own unhappy struggles at this 
period of his life. But they are by no means isolated instances. 
Henceforth both the social conflict and the triangular love 
conflict appear again and again in drama, novel and story, in 
endless variations either as major or minor motives. This 
mere repetition of the same conflict indicates how deeply it was 
lodged in his own nature, though it is not to be imagined that 
in each instance there was a fresh poetic stimulus or the same 
poignant consciousness of his grief. In the course of time 
these conflicts became a literary stock in trade with which 
he was thoroughly familiar and which he had found to be 
effective. In most of these cases there are no important varia¬ 
tions of motive and technique, and a mere enumeration of the 
most striking instances seems therefore to be sufficient. 

Thus in the novelette Die Wellenbraut (1843), in P oint °* 
time midway between Ein weisses Blatt and Die Selbsttaufe, 
we find both the social motive and the love conflict utilized, 
with the difference, however, that here it is a woman placed 

79 Ibid., 243. 

80 Ibid., 303. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW’s EXPERIENCES 


61 


between two men. Theobald, a former student of theology, 
and at one time imprisoned on account of liberal opinions, is 
the representative of the middle classes. He falls in love with 
Idaline, daughter of the prime minister, and fiancee of Count 
Waldemar. Idaline reciprocates Theobald’s love even after 
her marriage, but makes an end of this tragic situation by 
drowning herself in the lake. 

Very little significance, on the other hand, attaches to the 
love rivalries and intrigues in the unpublished play Die beiden 
Auswanderer (1844), 81 where differences in social status are 
a minor element. 

Erwin Treuhold, an upright and industrious farmer, loves 
Helene, the daughter of “ Kreisdirektor ” Sternau, but makes 
no advances to her, as she is his social superior. Besides, her 
father expects her to marry von Felseck. Erwin emigrates to 
America, accompanied by his friend Ludwig Rosen. As heir 
to his uncle’s fortune, Erwin is to marry Georgine, but the 
latter falls in love with Ludwig. The situation is cleared up 
when Sternau arrives in New York with his daughter. It 
now appears that Erwin’s grandfather, the notary, had forged 
the papers, and that Ludwig, not Erwin, is the real heir. 
Georgine follows him to Germany, while Helene, who had 
declined to marry von Felseck, is united with Erwin. 

Equally hackneyed are the complications introduced into 
the relationship of Prince Max with his fiancee, the Princess 
Jucunde, by an illicit affair with an opera-singer, as depicted 
in Die Konigin der Nacht (1844). 

In the somewhat fantastic tale Eine Phantasieliebe (1846) 
the husband of Imagina Unruh is in love with the Countess 
Feodore, while Otto Sudburg, who has pledged himself to 
marry the Countess, is greatly attracted towards Imagina. 

81 Cf. Eduard Metis, Karl Gutskow als Dramatiker, Stuttgart, 1915, 

67 ff. 


62 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

In the historical tragedy Wullenweber (1847) social 
motive is emphasized in the rise of Markus Meyer from a 
simple blacksmith to Commander-in-chief of the Hanseatic 
troops. He likewise wavers in his affections between Meta 
Wullenweber and Siegbritt, the beautiful daughter of the 
Swedish Ambassador. 

In Philipp und Perez (1853), which has many points in 
common with Schiller’s Don Carlos , the love of Antonio Perez 
is divided between his wife Juana and the Princess Eboli. 
However, he finally returns to his wife 

“ Mit jener Liebe, die aus jeder Luge 
Sich reiner und gelauterter erhebt! ” 82 

In Gutzkow’s other short stories a sharp division of social 
classes constitutes one of the chief elements in the Emporblick 
(1852), as well as in Jean Jacques (1854), while in the 
Kurstauben (1852) a married woman again is made to choose 
between the affections of her husband and the rival love of 
a former suitor. Somewhat similar is the problem in the play 
Ella Rose { 1855). 

In his longer novels likewise the eternal triangle is a favorite 
and ever-recurring motive. To give but a few examples, 
in Die Ritter vom Geist Prince Egon’s heart is divided between 
two women, Helene d’Azimont and Melanie Schlurck, and the 
other principal characters, the brothers Dankmar and Siegbert 
Wildungen, also oscillate in their love, the former between 
Melanie and Selma, the latter between Melanie and Olga. 
In the Zauberer von Rom Benno von Asselyn furnishes a 
good illustration of the same conflict. Fritz Ellrodt in the 
novel bearing his name (1872) is unable to choose between the 
love of the cultured Jewess, Lea Osmund, who opens his 
eyes to the dawning era of humanistic culture, but who is 

82 Act IV, Sc. 11. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW's EXPERIENCES 63 

beneath his social station, and a union with the belle of the 
aristocratic circle, Sophie Lowenhaupt, who is the choice of 
his father. He eventually decides in favor of a marriage of 
convenience and marries Sophie. And finally in Die neuen 
Serapionsbriider (1877) practically all the leading figures are 
involved in this conflict. Count Udo von Treuenfels had been 
obliged by a will of his uncle to marry Ada von Forbeck. 
Udo’s real affection, however, is for Helene Althing, the 
charming and cultured sister of his best friend Ottomar 
Althing. His wife Ada likewise is madly infatuated with 
Ottomar and the latter reciprocates her love. Udo and Ada 
obtain a divorce, whereupon Ada and Ottomar are happily 
married. Helene, however, has been wavering between Udo 
and the stalwart Gustav Holm. She now decides upon the 
latter. 

In compiling this list of illustrations we must not overlook 
Ottfried (1848), a dramatization of the Selbsttaufe . 83 As the 
solution of the problem here differs materially from the earlier 
version, it is best to consider it separately. The action in the 
play at first runs very much the same as in the story, except 
that in the play the social conflict figures more prominently. 
Gottfried had been a suitor for the hand of Franziska, the 
sister of his friend Baron Hugo von Schonburgk, but had been 
rejected because of his inferior social station. After three 
years of wandering he returns home full of remorse and 
resignation. In this mood he becomes engaged to Agathe, 
but his love for her wavers when he makes the acquaintance 
of her sister Sidonie von Buren. Sidonie tries to cure him of 
his resignation: “ Entsagen! Die grossen Flugeltiiren des 
Lebens hatt’ ich Ihnen nur aufzureissen, um Sie wieder in den 
wilden Kampf der Erscheinungen blicken zu lassen! Was 
ruft Sie da nicht alles! Kiinste, Wissenchaften, Menschen 

83 Cf. above, pp. 55 ff. 


64 


WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 


durcheinander, die Fragen der Zeit!” This is the decisive 
factor in Ottfried’s attraction for Sidonie, the appeal to his. 
ambitions and his intelligence. He exclaims: Sie sind eine 
Zauberin! Sie konnen Geister in Flammen setzen!” His 
friend Hugo, although passing as engaged to Sidonie, realizes 
Ottfried’s predicament and advises him to break with Agathe: 
“ Ich halte diejenige Form der Liebe fur die ungliicklichste, 
wo sich in die Liebe Mitleid mischt. . . . Eine kurze Rene 
ersetzt hier einen langen Schmerz.” 84 The end of the fourth 
act leaves us precisely where the novelette had terminated. 
Ott fried posts off on a diplomatic mission to Vienna, thus 
evading his formal engagement with Agathe. What chiefly 
engages our attention, however, is the addition of a fifth act 
and the unexpected turn given to the action. Sidonie, whose 
letters to Ottfried remain unanswered, marries Hugo. Never¬ 
theless she continues her frivolous game and brazenly en¬ 
deavors to arrange a rendezvous with Ottfried. The latter 
has now become thoroughly disillusioned, and his behavior 
towards Agathe has caused bitter self-reproaches. He tears 
himself away from Hugo and Sidonie, returns to his home 
in Schonlinde and seeks a reconciliation with Agathe. “ Ich 
floh dich vor einem Jahre,” he writes to her, “ weil ein Wesen 
meinem Geist wieder Schwingen gab, die ich ihm entfallen 
glaubte, Schwingen, die mich von einer zu friihen Beschran- 
kung emporhoben. Das muss ich deiner Schwester danken. 
Aber, seit ich Kraft gewonnen, mir selbst und nur allein 
wieder der Wahrheit zu vertrauen, hab’ ich auch die Gefahr 


des ungehinderten Flugs durch eine luftige, pflichtenlose Welt 
erkannt.” 85 The reconciliation is then effected. 

We may ask, why did Gutzkow feel impelled to alter the 
outcome of this conflict? Dresch simply states that Gutzkow, 


84 Dram. W., Ill, Ottfried, p. 67. 

8 5 Ibid., 89 f. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW’s EXPERIENCES 65 

having written a comedy, did not think that he could leave his 
audience with a tragic impression, and that therefore he cleared 
away all difficulties; 86 while Gensel suggests that Gutzkow 
considered the epic conclusion of the story unsuitable in the 
drama, and that the question of Ottfried’s fate could not re¬ 
main undecided. 87 There are, however, other reasons that 
seem to give a much more plausible explanation. We have 
seen how his works were a mirror of his experiences, and in 
the case of Ottfried he definitely admitted that he had in mind 
his relations with Therese and his wife Amalie. 88 According 
to a letter to Devrient, 89 the first four acts were written during 
the earlier part of March, 1848. In the following month his 
wife Amalie died. How profoundly Gutzkow was affected by 
this sudden and unexpected blow, how he was consumed by 
remorse, and how this led to a complete rupture with Therese, 
has been related in the preceding chapter. In this frame of 
mind Ott fried was completed in the course of the summer, 
and the conclusion of the play again reflects his experiences. 
As Houben aptly puts it, Ott fried “ war wie eine Bitte um 
Vergebung in Amaliens frisches Grab hinein.” 90 As will be 
recalled, Antonio Perez is a further illustration of the hero 
returning to his wife after his heart had found love elsewhere 
for a time. 

But the most striking and clearest reflection of Gutzkow’s 
changed attitude toward Therese after Amalie’s death is found 
in Prince Egon’s relations with Helene d’Azimont in Die Ritter 
vom Geist. Helene, like Therese, of aristocratic birth and 
German descent, has been brought up and educated in Russia. 
The description of her also tallies in a general way with the 

86 Op. cit., 380. 

87 Gensel, W., XII, 189. 

88 Cf. above, p. 55 f. 

89 March 28, 1848; Houben, Devrient, 338. 

90 Houben, W., I, 89. 


66 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

account we have of Therese. 91 Helene married Count 
d’Azimont, a French attache, 92 but was unhappy in this mar¬ 
riage of convenience. “ Sie versinnlichte nur das Gemiit, die 
Leidenschaft, die vollige Abwesenheit alles Nachdenkens. 
Die Liebe schien der Glaube dieser Frau zu sein, Zartlichkeit 
das einzige Bekenntnis ihres Herzens.” 93 This love is pas¬ 
sionately bestowed upon Egon. “ Ich liebe zum erstenmal,” 
she writes to her sister, “ ich liebe, wie ein Weib lieben soil, 
ein Weib, das fiihlt, ein Weib, das da ahnt, in ihr ruhe das 
Geheimnis der Schopfung.” 94 Egon is equally devoted to 
her. He calls her “ eine Schopferin, eine Kiinstlerin des 
Lebens.” 95 But at the end of two years which have passed 
“ like one divine minute ” Egon is startled out of his dreamy 
existence by the news of the death of Louison, his former 
mistress. He tears himself away from Helene and weeps 
bitter tears at Louison’s grave. An inner voice insistently 
urges him: “ Louisons Schatten verlangt die Suhne der Tren- 
nung von Helenen ” ; 96 and so he remains deaf to all of 
Helene’s earnest and abject entreaties. 97 

In view of what has been said regarding the close analogy 
between the novel and the Therese episode both in character 
and situation, it is not unfair to assume a close relation of 
similarity between Egon’s long farewell letter to Helene and 
Gutzkow’s reply to Therese in their parting scene. As Gutz- 
kow has given us only a vague and general account, we may 
be justified in quoting from it at length: 

»iCf. Gensel, W., XIV, ii and XV, 581. 

92 Therese had married a Russian Consul General. 

93 Gensel, W., XIV, 11. 

94 Ibid., 13. 

95 Sidonie was also called “ eine Lebenskiinstlerin.” 

99 Gensel, W., XIV, 175. 

97 Even her appeal to “ die Macht der Liebe, die auch die Schwingen 
des Talents kraftiger heben lehrt, als sie von Natur fliegen wiirden ” 
is fruitless. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW's EXPERIENCES 


67 


“ O es ist wohl eine der herbsten Entbehrungen, Helene, die sich der 
Mensch auferlegen kann, wenn er sich dem Arm der Liebe entwindet! Ich 
habe lange gerungen,mich von den grauen und diistern Vorstellungen, die 
mein Gemiit umschatteten, zu befreien. Ich kann nicht anders; ich bin 
den finstern Machten der tlberlegung verfallen, und was ich auch beginne, 
mich wieder aufzuschwingen zu einem grossen, vorurteilslosen, freien 
Blick uber das Leben hin, ich kann es nicht. Ich erfiille mein Schicksal. 

“ Was mich zu Dir fiihrte, geliebte Helene, das hah’ ich Dir oft dankend 
gestammelt. Es war nicht Deine Schonheit allein, nicht die Giite Deines 
Herzens, die sorgsame Liebe und Sorgfalt, ja leidenschaftliche Ver- 
gotterung dessen, was Du einmal in das Heiligtum Deines Herzens 
eingeschlossen hattest, es war ebensoviel von meinem eignen innern 
Drange, grade das, was ich in Dir fand, grade das allein zu besitzen. 
Ich Armster hatte der Liebe so wenig gefunden im Leben! Liebe ist 
das behagliche Gluck der reinsten Menschlichkeit! Liebe ist das stille 
Ausruhen an einem Platze, wo es alien Sinnen, den innern und aussern, 
wohlergeht. So gliicklich war ich zweimal! . . . 

“ Du hast dies Leiden gefiihlt, Helene, und mir gestern, als ich so 
grausam, so kalt war, wieder von dem Wort gesprochen, das Du schon 
einmal fallen liessest, Du wolltest mein Weib werden! Helene, ach! 
dass ein Wort, worin fur ein Weib ihre ganze Kraft, ihre ganze 
Allmacht liegt, hier wie ein Almosen klang, das nicht einmal Du gabst, 
sondern Du—nahmst! Mein Weib! Helene, Du mein Weib! Dass 
ich verneinend so auffuhr, dass ich so wild stiirmte, was war es anders, 
als dass ich Dich fur zu hoch halte, um mit dem Bettelpfennig der Ehe 
die Schuld abzutragen, die Du an meine Liebe zu fordern hast! Soli 
die Ehe harren und warten, bis ich geneigt sein kann und gedrungen 
mich fiihle, die starre Form zu beleben und zu beweisen, dass die Ehe 
nicht das abfallende Samenkorn der Bliite, sondern die Bliite in ihrer 
vollsten Schone und reichsten Entfaltung sein soil? In dem Augenblick, 
Helene, wo Du von der Ehe sprachst, da sah ich Dich mit einem Blatt 
Papier und mit einer Feder in der Hand. Schreibe, dass Du mich lieben 
willst, oder kraft dieses Blattes mach’ ich Dir das Leben zur Holle! So 
klang es mir ins Ohr. Musst’ ich nicht fliehen ? ” 98 

Thus we see that Gutzkow’s work also reflects the misunder¬ 
standings and difficulties which had crept into his relations 
with Therese and had abruptly terminated them. But we 
shall not conclude this chapter with the harsh and discordant 
note which had disrupted and destroyed the previous fullness 
and harmony of their love. We will retrace our steps to the 

96 Gensel, W., XIV, 522 ff. 


68 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

time when this love was still in full bloom and bore noble 
fruit, when Therese’s love inspired and sustained Gutzkow in 
the arduous tasks he had set before him. We have still to 
discuss Gutzkow’s greatest poetic achievement, the tragedy 
Uriel Acosta (1846), in which he has erected a lasting monu¬ 
ment to the love and devotion bestowed upon him by Therese. 

In the Sadduzder von Amsterdam , the prose version of 
1834 on which Uriel Acosta is based," the character of Judith 
was drawn to conform to Rosalie Scheidemantel. As we 
pointed out in the earlier part of this investigation, Rosalie 
was too deeply rooted in the narrow-minded prejudices of 
her orthodox environment to rise to the occasion when the 
supreme test of her love was at hand. Her inability to summon 
the strength and the courage to defy her family and cast over¬ 
board her cherished beliefs, when her love and the happiness 
of her lover were at stake, was portrayed in the weakness of 
Judith who in critical moments twice betrayed her lover Uriel. 
In the drama, however, Judith has undergone a most remark¬ 
able transformation. In purely external respects, to be sure, 
she is the same Judith, she faces the same problems, she is 
confronted with the same dilemma of choosing between her 
love for Uriel and the insistent promptings of loyalty to 
church and family. But her general attitude and her reactions 
to the situation are as different from the earlier Judith as 
day and night. Judith in the Sadduzaer was a simple naive 
girl, untroubled by doubts and having no part in Uriel s intel¬ 
lectual life. She was a charming “ doll ” in whose company 
Uriel sought rest and recreation when he descended from the 
lofty heights of his speculations. It was only after his ex- 
communication that she made an attempt to comprehend the 
ideas which Uriel professed, and even this effort was doomed 

99 The relation between the two works is fully discussed by Houben 
in his study of Uriel Acosta. Cf. Gutskow^Funde , 281 ff. 


REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW’s EXPERIENCES 69 

to failure. In the drama, however, Judith is Uriel's pupil from 
the very beginning. She participates in his studies, and shares 
his bold opinions. On this firm foundation of reverence and 
admiration for her spiritual guide and teacher the love of 
Judith is founded: 

“ Bewundern ist und lieben eins beim Weib, 

Der mehr Bewunderte ist mehr geliebt! ” 100 

This love is a real inspiration to Uriel, it prompts him to 
his noblest efforts. Judith seems to him like a being from some 
other world, like a saint who has temporarily abandoned her 
heavenly abode: 

“ Sie stieg vom Himmel nieder, 

Die Erde hat nicht teil an ihrem Stoff— 

Sie ist ein Schatz, vergraben unter Euch, 

Ein Seraph, der die Grille hegt, sich menschlich 
Als ware sie die Unsre, anzustellen! 

Beriihrt sie nie mit einer Hand, die eben 
Vielleicht in Haufen schnoden Goldes wiihlte! 

Jochai, zu ihr beten miisst ihr, nahn ihr, 

Wie man den Heil’gen naht! ” 101 

Judith is eager for an opportunity to prove her loyalty. 
She is tormented by the realization that she has not yet done 
anything to deserve Uriel’s love, she believes that only by a 
free and voluntary act of heroism can she earn the right to 
possess Uriel. This opportunity presents itself when Uriel 
is threatened by the ban of excommunication, and almost joy¬ 
fully she welcomes it. In the face of her father’s remon¬ 
strances she invites Uriel, who is already shunned as an out¬ 
cast, to confront the other guests with him. The supreme test, 
however, comes with the actual pronouncement of the curse. 
At the first sho\k she is momentarily dazed and obeys the 
summons to stand aside, leaving Uriel to face his adversaries 
alone. But when Rabbi Santos proclaims : 

100 Act I, Sc. i. 

101 Act I, Sc. 2. 

6 


70 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

“ Verschmachten wirst du in dem Durst nach Liebe, 

Nie gibt sich dir ein liebend Herz des Weibes! ** 

Judith boldly steps forth and heroically hurls at him the words: 

“ Das liigst du, Rabbi! 

Verdammt die Gotter, die wir beide glauben! 

Es sind die wahren, ihnen lernet beten! 

Er wird geliebt! Glaubt besseren Propheten! ” 102 

Judith believes that in thus defending him she has per¬ 
formed the “free deed” which justifies her claim to Uriel’s 
love. She takes it for granted that Uriel now will do his 
share and recant so that there will be no further obstacles to 
the consummation of their love. When Uriel shows no inclina¬ 
tion to submit to the Synagogue she allows herself to express 
doubts of his love. This, in addition to his pity for his blind 
old mother and the pleas of his brothers, undermines Uriel’s 
firm resolution and he surrenders. Judith’s weakness had 
caused him to be untrue to himself. But this weakness is only 
temporary. She immediately realizes the immensity of her 
guilt as she ponders the question: 

“ 1 st denn das Weib des Mannes ew’ger Fluch, 

Seit Anbeginn der Welt ihn schon verkleinernd ? ” 103 

She had been disloyal to him, her love had not been a blessing 
but a curse, and she is resolved to make atonement and liberate 
him from this curse. She marries Jochai in order to save her 
father from financial bankruptcy. Thus she lives up to Uriel’s 
ideal whose foremost demand had been to renounce. As soon 
as the ceremony has been performed she calmly takes the 
poison cup, not in despair, but as a testimony to her loyal love 
for Uriel, whom she bids to fare forth into the world on his 

i<> 2 Act II, Sc. 7. 

los Act III, Sc. 7. 



REFLECTION OF GUTZKOW's EXPERIENCES 


71 


great mission, unencumbered by any considerations of human 
expediency: 

“Zieh* in die Welt mit mutigem Vertrauen! 

Bekenne deine Wahrheit wie ein Held 1 ” 104 

This “ arielhafte Lichtgestalt ” of Judith was not modeled 
after Gutzkow’s wife Amalie, as Proelss thought, 105 but as 
Houben has so convincingly demonstrated, 106 this new and 
changed conception of Judith was a glorification of the love 
of Therese von Bacheracht. 

104 Act V, Sc. 4. 

105 Op. cit. } 791. 

106 Gutzkow-Funde, 354 ff. 


CHAPTER III 

WOMAN’S EMANCIPATION AND FREE LOVE 

Wally, die Zweiflerin is a landmark in Gutzkow’s personal 
life as well as in the history of Young Germany. As a result 
of this ill-fated book Gutzkow was sentenced to imprisonment 
and his published and unpublished works together with those 
of Heine, Laube, Wienbarg and Mundt we're suppressed. 
The book thus attained far greater notoriety than it would 
have had on its own merits. Even with due regard to Heine’s 
Salon, Laube’s Die Poeten and Mundt’s Madonna, it is upon 
Wally that the chief responsibility falls for the wholesale and 
indiscriminate charges of immorality laid at the door of Young 
Germany in general. The work drew upon itself the wrath 
and indignation of the reactionary and orthodox elements, it 
served as a convenient object upon which they could vent their 
growing resentment against the alarming doctrines imported 
from beyond the Rhine. It was held up as a blatant example of 
the gross immorality of the younger radical authors who were 
said to advocate emancipation of the flesh and free love. 

A few sentences will suffice to indicate the tone and temper 
of the onslaught as led by Wolfgang Menzel: 

“Ich finde da einen Roman des Herrn Gutzkow, der in der Tat von 
Frechheit und Immoralitat schwarz aufgeschwollen ist, und muss nun 
meines Amtes warten. . . . Nur im tiefsten Kote der Entsittlichung, 
nur im Bordell werden solche Gesinnungen geboren. . . . Herr Gutzkow 
hat es iiber sich genommen, diese franzosische Affenschande, die im 
Arme von Metzen Gott lastert, aufs neue nach Deutschland iiber- 
zupflanzen.” 1 

i Literaturblatt, No. 93-94, Sept, ii and 14, 1835. The entire article 
is reprinted in Eugen Wolff, Kritische Ausgabe von Wally, die Zweif¬ 
lerin, Jena, 1905, PP- 193-220. 


72 


woman's emancipation and free love 73 

Some weeks later in a review of Wienbarg’s Asthetische 
Feldziige Menzel continued his denunciation in the same 
strain: 

“ Unter der Maske des franzosischen Republikanismus schwarzt diese 
neue Frankfurter Laster—und Lasterschule eine furchtbare Unzucht 
ein. Das Fleisch, die freie Sinnlichkeit, die Aufhebung der Ehe, sind 
ihre Schlagworter, und sie schreiben nicht nur selbst obszone Bucher, 
sondern warmen auch die alten wieder auf. Man schliesst sich zum 
Teil an Saint-Simon an, man verkiindet einen noch ausschweifenderen 
Republikanismus ohne Tugend, eine Hetarenrepublik im grossten Stile.” 2 

Needless to say that many other journals and newspapers 
took up the hue and cry and rushed to Menzel’s aid in denounc¬ 
ing the immorality of Gutzkow and his cohorts. Hengsten- 
berg, for instance, who contributed a series of articles to the 
Evangelische Kirchenzeitung on the “ Rehabilitation des 
Fleisches ” 3 praised Menzel “ dass er mit grossem Mut und 
grosser Macht inzwischen die Schandglocke gelautet habe 
iiber den Dr. Gutzkow und seine Genossen.” 4 The extent of 
the publicity given to Wally was so great that even Fred¬ 
erick William III read the work and personally wrote to the 
Grand Duke of Baden urging the latter to proceed against 
it . 5 The political and legal persecution of the author made 
Wally an outright sensation and more than a score of separate 
pamphlets appeared on the subject . 6 

But long after the passions and prejudices of the moment 
had subsided, these sweeping statements regarding the im¬ 
morality of the Young German authors were uncritically re- 

2 Literaturblatt, 1835, No. 109. Cited by Hans Bloesch, Das junge 
Deutschland in seinen Beziehungen zu Frankreich, Bern, 1903, p. 77. 

3 Aug. 8, Oct. 17, Nov. 25, 1835. Cf. Proelss, op. cit., 631. 

4 Ibid., 629. 

5 Idem. 

6 E. Wolff, op. cit., XLVIII. The author was able to verify this 
statement made by Wolff. He had the privilege of examining Prof. 
Dr. Houben’s rare collection of Gutzkowana, which contains most, if 
not all, of these “ Streitschriften.” 


74 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

peated. To give a few examples, Karl Biedermann, in his 
History covering the period 1815-1840, says of the Young 
Germans: “ Ganz besonders war es das Thema der freien Liebe 
oder der 4 Emanzipation der Sinne,’ was sie in immer neuen 
Wendungen variierten. ,, 7 

The vicious attack upon Gutzkow made by Emil Kuh in 
his biography of Hebbel is well known. Aiming to show the 
difference between Hebbel and Young Germany on the ques¬ 
tion of the relation of the sexes, he characterizes the theories 
of this new School as follows: 

“ Ihre Grundsatze waren die Emanzipation der Frauen, deren Teilnahme 
an der allgemeinen Arbeit, die tibergabe ihres Schicksals in ihre eigenen 
Hande und die Rehabilitation des Fleisches. Von den Deutschen 
aufgenommen, eigentlich von den deutschen Belletristen, hatte der sexuelle 
Bestandteil dieser Botschaft widerwartige Zusatze aus der Kuche 
Friedrich Schlegels und aus Schleiermachers Apotheke empfangen. Die 
Forderungen jener Apostel, gallisch, iiberschwenglich, halb revolutionar, 
halb gottesdienstlich gefarbt und von der Naivetat des ersten Anstosses 
getragen, wurden mit der frechen, aber temperamentlosen Sinnlichkeit 
der Luzinde und den sublimen, ein hoheres Moralprinzip einschmuggelnden 
Auslegungen des Verfassers der Vertrauten Briefe vermengt zu einer 
Spottgeburt aus Dreck und Feuer.” 8 

Similarly extravagant statements were made by Heinrich von 
Treitschke. He charges Gutzkow with preaching in the 
Vorrede zu Schleiermachers Luzindenbriefen, “ kurzab die 
Unzucht und die Gottlosigkeit.” In comparing Wally, die 
Zweiflerin with Heinse’s novels he remarks: “ Bei Gutzkowi 
nur ein Wust von Reflexionen, unreife, altkluge Redereien 
uber die Rechte des Fleisches, die Unnatur der Ehe. . . . Und 
diese ekelhafte Schmutzerei ohne jeden Hauch kraftiger 
Leidenschaft, ohne ein einziges natiirliches Wort.” 9 

7 Cited by Proelss, op. cit., 17. 

8 Emil Kuh, Biographie Friedrich Hebbels, Wien und Leipzig, 2. 
Auflage, 1907, I, 229 f. 

9 Heinrich von Treitschke, Deutsche Geschichte im 19. Jahrhundert, 
Leipzig, 1889, IV, 432. 


woman's emancipation and free love 75 

Literary historians are equally uncritical in their general¬ 
izations. Heinrich Kurz, for instance, states that Young 
Germany showed a decided preference for the theme of 
woman’s self-determination in regard to love, that these au¬ 
thors simply protested against marriage and demanded free 
love in the relation of the sexes. 10 Otto von Leixner likewise 
makes a very broad statement in regard to Young Germany: 
“ Besonders hervorzuheben ist die in verschiedener Form 
wiederkehrende Forderung der Freilassung des Weibes, die 
sich jedoch fast immer als bare Sinnlichkeit entpuppt—viel 
nackter als bei Heinse, ahnlich wie in Schlegels Lucinde.” 11 
The more recent histories of literature, even though guarding 
against such extravagant statements, nevertheless refer to this 
theme of emancipation and free love in vague and general 
terms as characteristic of Young Germany, and as they usually 
designate Gutzkow quite properly as the leader of this group, 
they leave the reader to conclude that Gutzkow was one of the 
chief offenders. Under these circumstances a more detailed 
examination of Gutzkow’s real attitude toward these matters 
and his proper share in promulgating such ideas would not 
seem inappropriate. 12 Before proceeding, however, it would 

10 Heinrich Kurz, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur, Leipzig, 1881, 
IV > 7 b. 

11 Otto Leixner, Qeschichte der deutschen Literatur, Leipzig, 1889, 

p. 866. 

12 The author was unable to consult Ernst Bergmann, Die ethischen 
Probleme in den Jug ends chrif ten der Jungdeutschen (1833-1835), Leipzig, 
1906, until after the completion of this chapter. Bergmann’s conclu¬ 
sions regarding Gutzkow’s share in the propagation of these theories 
do not differ materially from those reached by the author. Bergmann’s 
account, however, with its artificial distinction between emancipation 
of the senses, woman’s emancipation, and free love, which are discussed 
in separate chapters, is somewhat misleading, particularly in the case 
of Gutzkow. Furthermore, he stresses but lightly the effect of Gutz¬ 
kow’s personal experiences, and is satisfied with the more obvious ex¬ 
planation that his interest in these problems was due to the influence of 


76 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

be well to pause for a moment to consider the character and 
nature of the St. Simonistic doctrines which were said to have 
influenced Gutzkow and his fellow-authors. 13 

The founder of this new doctrine was Claude Henri, Count 
of Saint Simon (1760-1825), who at the age of nineteen had 
gone to America to fight in the War of Independence. He 
participated in five campaigns under Washington, and also 
made the acquaintance of Franklin. 14 Returning to France 
he remained a neutral observer during the French Revolution, 
and later devoted himself to philosophic and scientific studies. 
In 1802 in the Lettres d’un Habitant de Geneve he began to 
expound the principles of his new doctrine, which he developed 
and elaborated in many subsequent books. He was mainly 
concerned with a political, social and economic reorganization 
of mankind. Society was to be organized in such a manner 
as to ameliorate as quickly as possible the lot of the poorest 
and most numerous class. Work, according to him, was not 
a curse, but a blessing. He repudiated the idea of original 
sin and denied any antagonism between the spirit and the 
flesh. Those extremely radical ideas in the field of morals 

the Romanticists and George Sand. The present study aims to trace 
in detail Gutzkow’s reactions toward these problems, giving a more 
coherent and comprehensive account, and attempting to show that his 
personal fates were of decisive import for this phase of his work. 

13 For an excellent brief account of this movement cf. Dresch, op. cit., 
49 ff., who also supplies a bibliography, and Henri Lichtenberger, Henri 
Heine Penseur, Chapter III: “ Heine et le Saint-Simonisme,” pp. 100 
ff. Bloesch, op. cit., has unfortunately omitted the St. Simonistic in¬ 
fluences. A brief account is also given by Proelss, op. cit., 175 ff. 
Moritz Veit, Berlin publisher and friend of Mundt, published a book 
entitled: Saint Simon und der Saint-Simonismus, Leipzig, 1834. Veit 
makes a sharp distinction between the theories of Saint Simon and 
those of his disciples. The first part of his book is a vindication of 
Saint Simon, whom he wishes to introduce to the German public as a 
serious philosopher. The second part is devoted to a critical discussion 
of the theories developed by St. Simon’s disciples. 

14 Veit, op. cit., 8. 


woman's emancipation and free love 77 

and ethics which were later associated with his name and 
doctrine were not originally a part of his system, but were 
the work of his disciples. The latter published after St. 
Simon’s death an exposition of his doctrines, based largely 
on his last work, the N\ouveau Christianisme, and among other 
things also proclaimed the equality of the sexes and the 
rehabilitation of matter. But this conception was still a very 
noble and moral one and did not differ essentially from other 
pantheistic ideas. 15 In 1831, however, the two Supreme 
Fathers, 16 Bazard and Enfantin, disagreed regarding the new 
morality, and as a result the sect was divided into two factions. 
Bazard was interested principally in political and economic 
questions, while Enfantin emphasized the moral and religious 
elements in the new doctrine. The latter, starting out from 
his thesis that the flesh was as divine as the spirit, developed 
those radical ideas regarding the relation of the sexes, the 
abolition of marriage and the family, and the theories of 
free love and emancipation of woman which called forth so 
much indignation and opposition. In 1832 the French Govern¬ 
ment stepped in and sentenced Enfantin and several others 
to imprisonment because of their immoral doctrines. Several 
months later the sentence was commuted and Enfantin emi¬ 
grated to Egypt. 

These new theories created a considerable stir in Germany 
like everything else that came from France, the much ideal¬ 
ized land of liberty and freedom. Books, pamphlets and 
articles on this subject began to multiply. 17 But these discus¬ 
sions probably reached only a veryj limited class of readers. 
Moreover, while some of these writers were favorably im¬ 
pressed by the St. Simonistic doctrines, the majority either 

15 Cf. Dresch, op. cit., 53. 

16 Regarding the elaborate hierarchical organization of the St. 
Simonists cf. Veit, op. cit., 128 f. 

17 Cf. the lists in Veit, op. cit., 116 f; Dresch, op. cit., 56 f. 


78 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

took a very reserved attitude or denounced them outright. 18 
It was only when these new ideas began to invade the field of 
literature that they aroused more general interest and dis¬ 
cussion. 

The greatest influence in the propagation of St. Simonistic 
ideas in Germany emanated from the writings of Heine who 
shortly after his arrival in Paris enthusiastically accepted the 
ideas of the new school, attended the meetings in the Salle 
Taitbout and dedicated his book De f Allemagne to Enfantin. 
Particularly in the two books Zur Geschichte der neueren 
schonen Literatur in Deutschland and Zur Geschichte der 
Religion und Philosophie in Deutschland did he proclaim the 
new doctrine of the rehabilitation of the flesh. 19 As Proelss 
states, Heine’s works had an effect incomparably greater than 
anything else that had been written for or against St. Simon- 
ism, particularly on the younger generation of authors. How¬ 
ever, we must not overlook the fact that this effect was 
counterbalanced by the enormous influence exerted by Borne 
and his severe puritanism in his insistence on the political 
principles of freedom. 20 What then were Gutzkow’s re¬ 
actions to these moot questions and contending forces, and 
to what extent did he uphold and champion the St. Simon¬ 
istic doctrines regarding the emancipation of the flesh and free 
love? 

As pointed out in the preceding chapter, Gutzkow’s chief 
interest during the first years of his literary apprenticeship 
lay in the political and social questions of the time. His 
models were Menzel and Borne, to whom he looked up with 
awe and admiration and whose example he wished to follow. 
His interest in moral and ethical questions was still dormant, 

18 Dresch, op. cit., 56 f. 

19 Regarding the influence of St. Simonism on Heine, cf. H. Lichten- 
berger, op. cit., 100 ff., and Proelss, op. cit., 178 ff. 

20 Cf. Proelss, op.cit., 182. 


woman's emancipation and free love 79 

and so we find only political and religious questions treated 
and discussed in his works down to 1835. There is not a 
trace of eroticism, nothing that could be interpreted as indicat¬ 
ing a predilection for sensual or immoral subjects. There is 
no deep questioning of the accepted standards of morality and 
no outspoken interest in changing and improving the status 
of woman in society. 

Gutzkow’s first published work, Briefe eines Narren an eine 
Ndrrin, written in 1831, is a political pamphlet in disguise, 
and contains only one incidental reference to love and mar¬ 
riage, which does not, however, reveal any profound think¬ 
ing or revolutionary tendency. He questions the magic 
powers of love, for, being the fruit of vanity, love ceases to 
be love when it changes to fidelity. Marriage is an institution 
of the State, based on human frailty and future weakness. 21 
Gutzkow is already familiar with the St. Simonistic doctrines, 
but there is no outburst of enthusiasm and only qualified ap¬ 
proval. What he considers of value in them is their expression 
of a need for a closer union between the spiritual and material 
elements in life, but as he immediately adds, the movement, 
being a symptom of the “ Zeitgeist/' has only passing interest. 
The need for a closer union between spirit and matter is not 
satisfied by these theories, because there is too much specula¬ 
tion in them. Nevertheless he admits, “ sie haben im Schema- 
tismus der mannigfachen, unsere Zeit durchkreuzenden Ten- 
denzen eine so mathematisch richtige Stellung, wie keine 
andere neuere Erscheinung im Gebiete der geistigen Kultur.” 22 
He also touches upon the emancipation of woman as pro¬ 
claimed by the St. Simonists, but he does not take it seriously. 

21 Werke, 1845, III, 51. The original edition is very rare. The 
present account is based on the fragmentary reprint in Gutzkow’s col¬ 
lected works of 1845. 

22 Ibid., p. 18. 


80 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

There is a humorous and ironic note in his account which is 
equivalent to a reductio ad absurdum: 

“Die Frauen wollen keine Engel mehr sein, sie wollen Menschen 
werden. Ihr Mund soil nicht zum Kiissen, zu leisem Liebesgefliister, 
sondern zur politischen Beredtsamkeit geformt sein. Da sie ihn nun aber 
nie offnen konnen, ohne den Mann mit sussem Zauber zu bestricken, so 
steht davon mehr zu erwarten, als selbst die Londoner Konferenz als 
europaisches Amphiktyonengericht zu leisten vermag. Kommt es zum 
Kriege, so gehen die franzosischen Damen den Russen bis an den Rhein 
entgegen. Liebreiz und Anmut, kriegerischer Adel und mannlicher Stolz 
werden die schonsten Ingredienzien zu Romanen sein, die die deutsche 
Grenze entlang sich anlegen, entwickeln und mit allgemeiner Entsagung 
und Entwaffnung schliessen werden. So die Simonisten. So auch 
Plato, nur weniger zartlich, mehr preussisch. Die Frauen sollen bei ihm 
nicht nur ihren Landwehrmannern das Essen auf die Wache bringen, 
sondern wahrend der Mahlzeit selbst das Gewehr ergreifen und in Reihe 
und Glied treten.” 23 

The author of this can surely not be accused of having 
been an enthusiastic disciple of the St. Simonistic School, nor 
can he be charged with extreme and subversive theories re¬ 
garding the relation of the sexes. 

Neither does Gutzkow’s next book, Maha Guru, written in 
the summer of 1833, betray any deep preoccupation with St. 
Simonistic theories regarding love and marriage. In the 
preface to the edition of his collected works in 1845 he tells 
us that the fundamental purpose of Maha Guru was meta¬ 
physical and that the satirical allusions to Europe, rule of 
priests, theocracies, monasticism, Jesuitism, to social institu¬ 
tions and even to narrow conceptions of love were purely 
incidental and part of a larger purpose. 24 The work was 
directed principally against the orthodox theologians, whose 
great power seemed to Gutzkow a baneful influence and a 
formidable obstacle to progress. When Hali Jong, the idol 
manufacturer, is on trial for giving expression to his artistic 

23 Ibid., p. 28. 

24 Werke, 1845, V, 7. 


woman's emancipation and free love 81 

sense by enlarging the space between the nose and lips of his 
idols, thus making them more human, he closes his defense 
with the words: “ Lasset uns Gotter schaffen nach der 
Menschen Ebenbild! Wenn es keine Grenzen mehr zwischen 
dem Himmel und der Erde gibt, dann wird die Frommigkeit 
ihre reinsten Opfer darbringen.” 25 This sounds very much 
like the St. Simonistic doctrine, and in fact it was this union 
of spirit and matter which he had pointed out in the Briefe 
eines Narren an eine Ndrrin as the most valuable element in 
St. Simonism. But it is clearly evident at the same time that 
he is not proclaiming any base materialism, much less emanci¬ 
pation of the flesh in the sense of free love. 

Furthermore, when Gutzkow describes at some length the 
practices of polyandry prevailing in Tibet, his purpose seems 
to be to show the relativity of our standards of conduct and 
morality, thus scoring another point against the theologians, 
who claim that these are absolute and based on divine 
authority. “ Sonderbare Sitten der Volker! ” he exclaims, 
“ An welchen Quellen nahmt ihr euren Anfang ? Die Zeit 
gibt den Gewohnheiten ihre Heiligkeit; wer gab ihnen aber 
den ersten Anstoss? Sind wohl die Formen des Staates, 
die Gebrauche der Religion, die Sitten des gesellschaftlichen 
Lebens verschieden je nach der Geschichte, dem Klima, dem 
Zufall; wer wiirde sich iiberredet haben, dass auch die 
Bediirfnisse des Herzens sich so verschiedenartig befriedigen 
lassen, wenn sie doch dieselben sind? . . . Sitte und Glaube 
heiligen auch die Neigungen, die eine Frau gegen vier Manner 
zu gleicher Zeit haben kann.” 26 

Somewhat later Gutzkow actually calls Tibet “the country 
of woman’s emancipation ” and expresses surprise that the 
St. Simonists have not yet referred to this state as an illus- 

25 Maha Guru, Stuttgart und Tubingen, 1833, I, 196. 

2 *Ibid., I, 5 f. 


82 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

tratton of their theories regarding women. He continues: 
“ i n Tibet hort die Bevormundung auf, die die Manner fast 
iiberall fiber die Frauen ausfiben. Die prfide Sittenrichterei 
liber den Wandel einer Unverehelichten ist hier unbekannt; 
man gewahrt sich unter einander die Freiheiten, die man sich 
selbst nimmt, und verlangt von dem Weibe erst dann 
Enthaltsamkeit und Beschrankung, wenn sie in eine Familie 
als Gattin eingeffihrt ist,—eine Zeremonie, die fibrigens in 
den einfachsten, faktischen Formalitaten, ohne alle Herbeizie- 
hung priesterlicher Symbolik, besteht .” 27 These passages 
must not be taken too literally as a straightforward statement 
of Gutzkow’s views, for they are tinged with too much irony. 
Friedrich’s assertion 28 that Gutzkow’s description of marriage 
in Tibet is at bottom only a glorification of free love, that the 
institution of polyandry is figuratively meant to convey the 
idea of complete sexual freedom for women, and that Gutz- 
kow, therefore, has a very low conception of the problem of 
emancipation, seems greatly exaggerated and not warranted 
by the context. Furthermore, Gutzkow’s references to such 
ideas are of a purely incidental nature and occupy a rela¬ 
tively small space compared with the main theme of the work, 
which Caselmann has summed up as follows: “ Es ist der 
Triumpf der natiirlichen, menschlichen Lebensfreude fiber 
eine Wahnidee eingebildeter Gottlichkeit, es ist andrerseits 
der Untergang einer vom Bewusstsein seines hohen Berufes 
erffillten Kfinstlerindividualitat durch den Fanatismus einer 
beschrankten Priesterschaft .” 29 Gutzkow himself wrote to 
Cotta regarding this novel that he had avoided everything that 

27 ibid., I, 24 f. 

28 Hans Friedrich, Die religionsphilosophischen, soziologischen und 
politischen Elemente in den Prosadichtungen des jungen Deutschlands, 
Leipzig, 1907, p. 28. 

29 August Caselmann, Karl Gutzkows Stellung zu den religids— 
ethischen Problemen seiner Zeit, Augsburg, 1900, p. 29. 


woman's emancipation and free love 83 

might give offense in regard to politics and morals. 30 Even 
Menzel gave an enthusiastic review of it in the Literaturblatt 31 
which he probably would not have done if he had believed it 
to contain a glorification of free love. 

We may safely state that up to the middle of 1833 when 
Maha Guru was completed the St. Simonistic doctrines had 
not made a profound impression on Gutzkow, nor did he take 
a keen interest in problems of morality or in changing the 
social status of woman. Gutzkow’s indifference, however, 
was not due to ignorance or un familiarity with the new teach¬ 
ings. The allusions to St. Simonism in the two books dis¬ 
cussed clearly exclude that. Furthermore, in the Briefe eines 
Narren an eine Narrin he definitely refers to F. W. Carove, 
who had published a book on the subject. 32 Several other 
books and numerous magazine articles had appeared at this 
time, 33 and so voracious a reader as Gutzkow surely was 
familiar with them. The general interest in St. Simonism was 
so great that Moritz Veit in 1832 even presented a disserta¬ 
tion to the University of Jena on this subject. 34 Other Young 
German authors, principally Laube and Mundt, were thor¬ 
oughly familiar with these theories and did not hesitate to 
express their approval. Gutzkow’s attitude, however, is fairly 
accurately revealed by his reaction towards Heine, who, as 
we stated above, was one of the greatest influences in the 
propagation of St. Simonistic ideas. Whereas Heine was 
fairly worshipped by Laube and greatly admired by Rahel, 
he did not strike a very responsive chord in Gutzkow who 
remained cool and reserved. 35 In summing up the influence 

30 July 24, 1833; quoted by Proelss, op. cit., 304. 

31 Feb. 24-25, 1834; cf. ibid., 305. 

32 Cf. Dresch, op. cit., 67. The book was entitled: Der Saint-Simonis - 
mus und die neuere fransdsische Philosophie, Leipzig, 1831. 

33 Cf. Dresch, op. cit., 56 f. 

34 Cf. ibid., 57. Veit’s book published in 1834 was cited above, p. 76. 

35 Cf. Proelss, op. cit., 182. 


84 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

of St. Simonism on the authors of Young Germany, Dresch 
states that Rahel, Mundt and Laube were greatly interested 
in this new religion of matter reestablished in its rights and 
in the theory of feminine emancipation, that Wienbarg was 
taken with the equality between man and woman, but that 
Gutzkow only took from St. Simonism what confirmed his 
own thoughts, that with respect to this new school he remained 
one of the freest and most far-sighted minds in Germany. 36 
Houben likewise calls attention to the fact that up to this 
time Gutzkow had been a veritable ascetic in regard to eroti¬ 
cism. 37 

But dating from this summer of 1833, when Gutzkow was 
matriculated in the University of Munchen, 38 various influences 
were at work to bring about a gradual change in his reactions 
towards the questions of St. Simonism and the emancipation 
of the flesh. There was first of all his close relationship with 
August Lewald, 39 the editor of Unterhaltungen fur das 
Theaterpublikum, who was an intimate friend of Heine and 
had followed him to Paris. Lewald now gave Gutzkow a 
vivid first-hand account of the doings of the St. Simonists 
and the editors of the Paris Globe, their principal journal. 40 
Not that this brought about an abrupt change, for after the 
completion of Maha Guru, Gutzkow was engaged in writing 
a drama Jupiter Vindex, later completed as Nero, which, as 
stated above, was a political satire and did not betray any 
radical thoughts in the field of morals. But Lewald surely had 
some influence in preparing the ground and paving the way 
for other influences that were destined to be more far-reaching. 

36 Op. cit., 60. 

37 Jungdeutscher Sturm und Drang , p. 538. 

33 Houben, W., XI, 94. 

39 Ibid., 100 f. 1 

40 Cf. Proelss, op. cit., 322 f. 


woman's emancipation and free love 


85 


Chief among these was the cultivation of friendly relations 
with Laube and Schlesier. 

In the columns of his journal, Die Zeitung fur die elegante 
Welt, Laube had already publicly proclaimed his theories of 
free love and his interest in St. Simonism. 41 He had also 
published various extracts from Heine’s radical work Zur 
Geschichte der neueren schonen Literatur which Heine had 
sent to him in April, 1833. 42 His literary model was Heinse, 
whose two erotic novels he admired and subsequently pub¬ 
lished in a new edition 43 Laube later said that St. Simonism 
and Heinse had been united in him, the one furnishing the 
content, the other the form. 44 In the spring of this year 1833 
he had dompleted his novel Die Poeten which serves as an 
excellent illustration of that statement. The book is a melange 
of erotic scenes and adventures and of lengthy discussions 
regarding free love and woman’s emancipation. 45 

During the months of August and September, 1833, Laube 
and Gutzkow spent six weeks together in traveling through 
Italy and Austria. 46 While crossing Lake Garda, Gutzkow 
read Laube’s Die Poeten, as he informs us in his Riickblicke, 47 
but he does not state what impression it produced on him. 
In a letter to Menzel, however, dated September 20, 1833, 
after remarking that he had read Laube’s novel Das junge 
Eutopa, of which Die Poeten was the first part, he says: “ Ich 
habe ihm offen gestanden, dass mir jeder Zug in ihr zuwider 
ist.” 48 This statement of his reaction at this time is of the 

41 Cf. Karl Nolle, Heinrich Laube als sozialer und politischer Schrift - 
steller, Bocholt, 1914, 26 f. 

42 Dresch, op. cit., 113. 

43 Ibid., 114. 

44 Idem. 

45 Cf. Nolle, op. cit., 21 ff. 

46 Houben, W., XI, 116 ff. 

47 Houben, W., XI, 17. 

48 Houben, Gutzkow-Funde, p. 22. 

7 


86 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

greatest importance. It is clear and unequivocal and bears 
out the conclusion we had reached above from a consideration 
of his works. He is not especially interested in the problems 
of St. Simonism and free love, and he frowns upon works of 
literature which embody them. Mere eroticism and licentious¬ 
ness is quite foreign to him. Nevertheless we may suppose 
that the intimate contact with his gay and frivolous traveling 
companion during these six weeks, with plentiful opportunities 
for discussion of theories and exchange of views, had some 
influence in bringing about a gradual change in Gutzkow. 

A few months later, in January, 1834, Gutzkow went to 
Leipzig and again spent some time in the company of Laube. 
Here he also met Schlesier, whose great influence on Gutzkow’s 
work has been pointed out in the preceding chapter. Partic¬ 
ularly Schlesier’s severe criticism of Gutzkow’s past work, 
his exhortation to be more personal and modern, to follow the 
example of George Sand, brought about a crisis in Gutzkow’s 
career. In his Riickblicke he confesses that Gustav Schlesier’s 
remarks had been the cause of his writing the Vorrede zn 
Schleiermachers Brie fen iiber die Lucinde, and Wally, die 
Zweiflerin , 49 and to Alexander Weill he wrote in 1843: 
“ Dieser Terrorismus, den 1833 Laube und sein Freund Schle¬ 
sier auf mich ausubten, hat mich damals in meiner ganzen 
Entwickelung gestort, aufgehalten, ja so verwirrt, dass ich 
in meine Wallyperiode et caetera hinein sturzte und erst 
allmahlich mich wieder gesammelt habe.” 50 It must be noted, 
however, that neither the Vorrede nor Wally appeared until 
1835, an d that in his works of the year 1834 these baneful 
influences of Laube and Schlesier were in no wise apparent. 
Gutzkow was too independent and self-reliant to be quickly 
swayed and influenced by others, and while Laube and 

49 Houben, W., XI, 21. 

60 Weill, op. cit., 31. 


woman's emancipation and free love 87 

Schlesier undoubtedly had a share in opening his mind and 
stimulating his interest in the moral questions of the day, 
they were by no means exclusively responsible for his polemical 
attitude during the following year. For the time being the 
religious questions still predominated, as shown, for instance, 
by his Nekrolog auf Schleiermacher in February, 1834. 51 Nor 
do his other works of this year betray any interest in the 
St. Simonistic doctrines. Neither the innocuous little idyll 
Kanarienvogels Liebe und Leid nor Der Sadduzaer von 
Amsterdam, both of which were discussed in the last chapter, 
give any indication of Gutzkow’s even being aware of these 
problems. The same holds true of his contributions to the 
Morgenblatt and Liter at urblatt and the series of articles for 
the Allgemeine Zeitung which were published in book form 
in the fall of 1835 under the title Offentliche Charaktere and 
which even Mettemich read with interest and attention. 52 

With regard to the influence of Laube and Schlesier, and 
also of Wienbarg, with whom he associated in Hamburg dur¬ 
ing the summer of 1834, there is an interesting passage in a 
letter of the year 1837, which Gutzkow points out his lack 
of interest in erotic questions. The letter is addressed to O. 
L. B. Wolff, who was editing an Encyclopddie der deutschen 
Nationalliteratur, and is an answer to a request for a bio¬ 
graphical sketch. The passage in question runs as follows: 

“ Ich gehe nach Leipzig. . . . Laubes Junges Europa missfiel mir. 
Er las Maha Guru nicht einmal. Man vermisste an mir die Leidenschaft 
und die Plastik, das Studium des Nackten und dergleichen Dinge, die 
plotzlich das Symbol eines Dreibunds werden: Laube, Wienbarg, 
Schlesier. Ich schloss mich aus, sie schlossen mich aus. . . . Von 
Leipzig kehr’ ich nach Berlin zuruck, das drittemal. Ich stehe einsam; 
ich verzweifle an meiner Heimat. Im Sommer 1834 bin ich in Ham¬ 
burg. Lowenthals Freundschaft bewahrt sich mir. Ich lerne Wienbarg 
kennen. Unsre Prinzipien liegen auseinander. Wir sehen uns wenig. 

51 Reprinted in Houben, W., VIII, 97-104. 

52 Houben, W., I, 40. 


88 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

Im Herbst geh’ ich nach Stuttgart, wo ich mit Menzel wegen einer Stelle 
in der Vorrede zu meinen Novellen breche. Diese Auflosung ernes 
driickenden Joches wird der Wendepunkt meiner Ideen, die sich z.B. in 
den damals geschriebenen Offentlichen Charakteren weit freier entwickeln, 
aber auch zu jener Leidenschaftlichkeit steigern, die die Leipziger an 
mir vermisst hatten. Die Frucht eines total mit der Welt zerfallenen 
und namentlich seine Erziehung hassenden Unmutes sind die Vorreden 
zu Schleiermachers Briefen iiber die Lucinde und spater Wally. 53 

This does not tell the whole story, however. There were 
still other influences which had a share in bringing about that 
state of mind which in 1835 gave rise to the radical utterances 
found in the Vorrede and Wally. In Vergangenheit und 
Gegenwart (1839) there is a chapter entitled “ Rahel, Bettina, 
die Stieglitz ” in which he states: “ Wer einst die organische 
Entwickelung unserer neuen Literatur zeichnen will, darf den 
Sieg nicht verschweigen, den drei durch Gedanken, ein Ge- 
dicht und eine Tat ausgezeichnete Frauen iiber die Gemiiter 
gewannen.” 54 Gutzkow here has reference first to the publi¬ 
cation early in 1834 of Rahel — ein Buck des Andenkens an 
ihre Freunde which was a collection of all those brilliant ideas 
of hers which were so stimulating to the younger generation 
of authors, including her enlightened views on love and mar¬ 
riage. The presentation of these caused a considerable sensa¬ 
tion. 65 These were the “ideas” to which Gutzkow refers. 
The “ poem ” was the poetic relationship between Bettina von 
Arnim and Goethe as revealed in Goethes Briefwechsel mit 
einem Kinde, also published in 1834. The “ deed ” was the 
suicide of Charlotte Stieglitz (night of Dec. 28-29, I & 34 )> 
who sacrificed herself in order that her husband might obtain 
the freedom and inspiration to create a literary masterpiece. 56 

53 Frankfurt a.M., Feb. 13, 1837; cf. Houben, Jungdeutscher Sturm 
und Drang, 536. 

54 Houben, W., XII, 71. 

65 Cf. Proelss, op. cit., 487. 

86 For a detailed discussion of the importance of these three women 
for the social and literary thought of Germany at this crisis cf. Proelss, 


woman's emancipation and free love 89 

Regarding the influence of the ill-fated Charlotte on his work 
Gutzkow confesses in 1839: “ Wie sehr dies alles auf garende 
und dichterische Gemuter einwirkte, wird man begreifen, wenn 
ich eingestehe, dass ich den Roman Wally, die Zweiflerin nicht 
geschrieben hatte ohne den Tod der Stieglitz.” 57 In their 
various ways these three women seemed to embody the recent 
ideas regarding woman's emancipation which were creating 
more and more of a stir on all sides. They were living illus¬ 
trations of the ideas of George Sand, whose example Schlesier 
had advised Gutzkow to follow. Other books were about to 
appear taking up the same theme, notably Mundt’s Madonna 
and Kiihne’s Quarantane im Irrenhause. Keenly sensitive to 
all the various manifestations of the “ Zeitgeist,” Gutzkow 
could not help being powerfully influenced by these new cur¬ 
rents of thought which were gaining more and more momen¬ 
tum. But at the beginning of 1835 he had been subjected to 
these influences for fully a year without having given any 
evidence of yielding to their control. 

The fact that a slow change was going on in Gutzkow at 
this period is, however, revealed by his attitude towards Borne 
and Heine. We have seen that in his earlier years Gutzkow 
was a devoted follower of Borne and his theories of political 
emancipation and that he had looked askance at Heine. His 
relations with Laube and Schlesier probably had a share in 
bringing about a change in this attitude. Just before starting 
out on his journey to the South with Gutzkow, Laube had re¬ 
ceived a letter from Heine (July 10, 1833) in which the latter 
advised him to make of his Elegante Zeitung not a political 
organ, but a journal of social propaganda, 68 and this suggestion 

op. cit., 454 ff.; Dresch, op. cit., 145 ff.; Georg Brandes, Das Junge 
Deutschland, tibersetzt von A.v.d. Linden, 9. Auflage, Berlin, 1904, pp. 
276 ff. 

57 Houben, W., XII, 76. 

58 Cf. Dresch, op. cit., 113 f. 


90 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

very likely formed the subject of many discussions between 
Gutzkow and Laube on their journey and during their subse¬ 
quent meetings in Leipzig. Furthermore, since the Hambach 
Festival in 1832 the various German Governments had been 
aroused to greater activity, the censorship had been made 
more severe, and direct political propaganda had become 
practically impossible. As a result the interest in political 
questions, which had been fanned into a bright flame after the 
July Revolution of 1830, began to subside, and eager young 
spirits now directed their attention to social, ethical and moral 
problems. This accounts for the eclipse of Borne and the 
greater prominence of Heine during the years 1834 and 1835. 59 

At any rate, two articles in the Literaturblatt sum Phonix 60 
clearly show Gutzkow’s changed attitude towards Heine. The 
latter has evidently won his admiration, even if he does not go 
so far as Laube and Wienbarg. He calls attention to the 
second volume of the Salon , with its review of German religious 
and philosophical history from the standpoint of St. Simonism, 
and defends Heine against Borne, for Heine is a poet and 
literature cannot be confined to politics. 61 Whereas Borne be¬ 
lieved that the necessary social, religious and moral changes 
would follow upon freer political conditions, Heine had no 
patience with political propaganda and wanted first of all a 
reformation along moral and social lines. It is in accordance 
with this new partiality for Heine that in an essay on the 
German novel 62 Gutzkow makes the statement that literature 
would always have to lead the way in a revolution of morals, 
and cites the didactic novels of Goethe and Heinse and Schlegel’s 
Lucinde as examples of novels being “die Blendlaterne des 
Ideenschmuggels.” 68 

so Ibid., 60 f. 

60 March 11 and June 27, 1835. 

61 Cf. Proelss, op. cit., 544 ff.; Dresch, op. cit ., 181 ff. 

62 Literaturblatt sum Phonix , March 25, 1835; cf. Proelss, op. cit., 550. 


woman's emancipation and free love 91 

In the year 1835, then, Gutzkow was becoming a public 
champion of these new doctrines and had begun, in an aggres¬ 
sive and uncompromising manner, to inveigh against con¬ 
ventional morality. The two works in which he gives full 
expression to his new faith are the Vorrede zu Schleiermachers 
vertrauten Brief en uber die Lucinde 64 and Wally, die Zweif- 
lerin. The former is dated January, 1835, while the latter was 
published in August of the same year. These are the first and 
only works in which he advocated substantive and radical 
changes in the current conceptions of love and marriage, and 
they are closely interrelated. The Vorrede is a bald and bold 
statement of his views, while Wally is an attempt to give 
literary expression to these ideas in the form of a novel. Gutz¬ 
kow has himself admitted this close relationship. He repeatedly 
links the Vorrede with Wally in referring to this period of his 
development. 65 This relationship is of considerable importance, 
for the Vorrede does not only contain clear and straightforward 
statements of his ideas, but it is also very illuminating as. 
regards the underlying motives for this complete change of 
front. It will, therefore, serve as a valuable commentary for 
the interpretation of Wally . 

We have enumerated and commented upon the various 
influences which tended to bring about a change in Gutzkow’s 
reaction towards the question of woman's emancipation. But 
these influences must by no means be considered as having 
been primarily and exclusively responsible for Gutzkow’s 
altered outltook. They merely form the background, lending 
here and there some color, light and shade, while the actual 
change in his views was a spontaneous result of his own bitter 

63 Cf. also the conclusion of his Vorrede: “Dem Romane sei es 
empfohlen, diese Grundsatze zur Anschauung zu bringen.” (Genseh 
W., X, 168.) 

64 Reprinted in Gensel, W., X, 155-169. 

65 Cf. the autobiographical sketch quoted above, p. 87 f. 


92 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

experiences. The Vorrede is not a calm and reasoned argument; 
it is an emotional outburst and of explosive violence. With 
reckless abandon he lets loose his pent-up emotions, evidently 
taking a keen delight in giving as much offence as possible. It 
is imperative, therefore, that we first seek to determine the 
driving force behind this invective before we can hope fully 
to understand and evaluate the opinions which our author 
expresses. 

The Vorrede is primarily directed against the orthodox 
theologians, “ die glattgescheitelten berlinischen Zionswachter,” 
who were preparing to publish Schleiermacher’s collected 
works. When it was rumored that they intended to omit the 
Vertrauten Briefe iiber die Lucinde, Gutzkow persuaded 
Hoffmann and Campe to publish this early work in a new and 
separate edition, to which he supplied the foreword. Here he 
declares: “ Mit dem behaglichsten Gefiihl werf’ ich diese 
Rakete in die erstickende Luft der protestantischen Theologie 
und Priiderie und weide mich an der Verlegenheit, wenn in 
das moralische Gesausel gewandt unterdriickter Leidenschaften 
und die loyale Politur gesellschaftlicher Bequemlichkeit und 
Selbstgenughabens plotzlich eine recht derbe, naturliche und 
witzige Zweideutigkeit fahrt.” 66 

This was not Gutzkow’s first encounter with the dominant 
powers of the orthodox church. After the death of Schleier- 
macher, February 12, 1834, Gutzkow wrote the sensational 
Nekrolog for the AUgemeine Zeitung, which caused him to be 
branded as an atheist and which was the ostensible reason why 
Rosalie Scheidemantel, a pious soul and ardent admirer of the 
clerical philosopher, broke off her engagement. 67 The emo¬ 
tional crisis which was induced by this rupture with Rosalie 
and from which he had attempted to liberate himself by the 

66 Gensel, W., X,< 158. 

67 Cf. Chap. I, p. 10. 


woman's emancipation and free love 


93 


poetic sublimation of his experience in the Sadduzder von 
Amsterdam had not yet passed. Inwardly he was still in a 
state of violent agitation over the sad outcome of his love- 
affair. This is the real root of the matter. This is the cause 
of his boundless rage and resentment against the theologians, 
for he blames them and their nartfow-minded teachings more 
than he does Rosalie. 

There is both direct and indirect evidence for this con¬ 
tention that the motive power behind this tirade against the 
conventional ideas concerning love and morality was furnished 
by the keen disappointment in his own love-affair. In the 
very beginning of the Vorrede there is a veiled allusion to 
Rosalie when he refers to “ weissgekleidete Madchen, die 
jiingeren Schwestern jener Reizenden, welche zu meiner Zeit 
dem sonntaglichen Christentume zur heiligen Dreifaltigkeit so 
viel verfiihrerische Uberredung gaben,” 68 for their attendance 
at Schleiermacher’s services at the beginning of their court- 
ship had cemented and sealed the bonds of friendship and 
love. 

His disappointment, however, does not merely lead him to 
melancholy reflections. There is a direct and cruel reckoning 
with her. In his rage he is so tactless as actually to mention 
her name and directly to address her with the sarcastic words: 
“ Nicht wahr, Rosalie; erst seitdem du Sporen tragst an deinen 
seidnen Stiefelchen und es von mir gelernt hast, den Carbonaro 
in Falten zu schlagen und ich eine neue Art von Inexpressibles 
fur dich erfinden musste und du iiberall als meinen jiingsten, 
innigstgeliebten Bruder giltst, weisst du, was ich sprach, als 
ich sprach: Ich liebe dich? Komm, kiisse meine Hand, dass 
sie begeistert schreibe! ” 69 At the end of the Vorrede, where 

« 8 Gensel, W., X, 155. 

69 Ibid., 162. Brandes has completely failed to appreciate the im¬ 
portance of Gutzkow’s relations with Rosalie, for in discussing this 
passage he states: “Das Original jener Rosalie, welche Gutzkow in 


94 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

he reiterates his resolve to dispense with the sanctions of the 
church, he again addresses her: “ Die Vikare des Himmels 
aber, welche bei einer misslichen und negativen Gelegenheit 
recht ausdriickliche und positive Verachtung in dieser Vorrede 
genossen haben, mogen mir ihre Kirchtiiren verschliessen, die 
ich nicht suche, und Sakramente entziehen, deren Symbole ich 
im Herzen trage! Auch zur Ehe bedarf ich eurer nicht: nicht 
wahr? Rosalie?” 70 * 

Throughout the Vorrede there is an undertone of anger 
and resentment, and a constant reiteration of the theme that 
love has become commonplace and needs to be reformed. At 
the back of it all, however, is the unhappy termination of his 
own love-affair, for in speaking of love, he says: “ Noch hat 
sie mich nicht gliicklich gemacht; und doch ist sie der Anker 
meines Lebens. Wir lieben schlecht. Die Liebe ist kein grosser 
Kultus mehr, Hymens Fackel ist der einheizende Ofen der 
Familienstube geworden, und Amor ist nicht mehr blind, son- 
dern nur blodsichtig.” 71 Again he exclaims: “ Ich rufe jeden 
echten Sohn der Zeit auf, ob er ein Herz gefunden, das seiner 
hohen gefliigelten Seele geniigt? . . . Man liebt nicht mehr 
idealisch, nicht einmal originell: die Liebe ist eine Tradition 
geworden, welche von der Vergangenheit borgt, und deren 
hochste Freude die ist, in der Tat an ihrem Leibe die Mittel 
zu besitzen, das Ding so zu treiben, wie es von jeher in der 
Welt getrieben worden ist. Es ist so viel unniitze Unschuld 
verbreitet worden, dass alle heiratsfahigen Weiber dieser Zeit 
wie Kinder zu betrachten sind.” 72 

This state of affairs Gutzkow thinks is due to woman’s in¬ 
tellectual inferiority. Here again he has Rosalie in mind 

Pagentracht folgen sollte, war wohl eher Kaled in Byrons Lara als 
irgendwelche Naherin in Heidelberg oder Berlin.” {Op. cit., 241.) 

70 Gensel, W., X, 168 f. 

71 Ibid., 160. 

72 Idem. 


woman's emancipation and free love 95 

when he states: " Sie verstehen uns ja gar nicht mehr: unsre 
Ausdriicke nicht, unsern Stil, unsre Gedanken, unsre 
Interessen. Sie scheinen nur da zu sein, um durch angstliche 
Riicksichten den Flug unsres Wesens niederzuhalten.” 73 
For these reasons Gutzkow believes that a reformation in love 
is just as important as any other social question of the day, 
and he wishes to assist in launching such a movement, similar 
to that of the sentimental period, when love was still a source 
of great inspiration: “ Die Emanzipationsfragen leiten sie ein. 
Das Lacherliche an ihnen wird sich verfluchtigen: der Rest 
wird die Genialitat der Liebe sein.” 74 
As a corrective for the maimed and stunted love of his day, 
Gutzkow recommends the reading of Schlegel’s Lucinde, “ a 
masterly book, which endeavored to bring about a reconciliation 
in love between the flesh and the spirit,” and he states his 
reasons: “ Schlegel fiihlte, was dem Vollgenusse der Liebe 
entgegensteht, die Bildung der Frauen selbst, oder wie Schleier- 
macher es noch deutlicher sagt, die Pruderie der deutschen 
Englanderinnen. Alle Ausmalungen von Weibern in der 
Lucinde sind der Schmerz, dass die Frauen nicht sind wie 
wir.” 75 But in one important respect Gutzkow does not ap¬ 
prove of Lucinde. The book is unreal and romantic and he be¬ 
lieves that Schlegel himself considered it an “ artistic anomaly.” 
But Gutzkow looks upon this whole question as a social one, 76 
and therefore he has edited Schleiermacher’s Vertraute Briefe, 
because the latter has grasped and indicated the social implica¬ 
tions and consequences. 77 

In proceeding to outline his own views regarding woman's 
emancipation, Gutzkow allows himself some very bold and 

7 ® Ibid., 161. 

74 Ibid., 160. 

75 Ibid., 162. 

™Ibid., 163. 
v*lbid., 165. 


96 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

extreme statements. It was only natural that many of his 
contemporaries should have interpreted them as a proclamation 
of the theory of free love. For Gutzkow frankly denounces 
the current conceptions of fidelity, and attributes alle jene 
schon im Brautstande verkfimmertern Ehen, jene Wassersup- 
penhochzeiten und die ganze Misere ordinarer Kindererzeugung 
und schimmelichter Broterwerbung ” to the fear of being un¬ 
true to a first love. 78 Because of these false ideas regarding 
fidelity, a woman is chiefly intent on not having a “ past/' This 
constitutes her virtue which, however, is usually synonymous 
with prudery. Woman, therefore, lacks the great passion of 
love and can only attract men by a certain naivete. To be sure, 
Gutzkow expressly safeguards himself against an extreme 
interpretation of his views by modifying his demand that 
women should emancipate themselves from their first love. 
“ Ich meine nicht, ” he states, “ dass sich die Resignation auf 
das Prinzip: aus der ersten Hand! so weit bei alien ausdehnen 
soil, dass man auch Poesie fande in der gesprengten Pforte.” 79 
But the real point that Gutzkow is driving at becomes evident 
from his final exhortation, in which he sums up his new 
doctrine: “ Schamt euch der Leidenschaft nicht, und nehmt das 
Sittliche nicht wie eine Institution des Staates! Vor alien 
Dingen aber denkt fiber die Methodik der Liebe nach und heiligt 
euern Willen dadurch, dass ihr ihn freimacht zur freien Wahl! 
Der einzige Priester, der die Herzen traue, sei ein entzfickender 
Augenblick, nicht die Kirche mit ihrer Zeremonie und ihren 
gescheitelten Dienern! ” 80 Gutzkow insists that his views arise 
from a profound respect for what is truly moral, 81 and though 
his statements are carelessly and recklessly phrased, one can¬ 
not charge him with a frivolous purpose. He does not really 

78 Ibid., 166. 

™Ibid., 167. 

so Ibid., 168. 

81 Idem. 


woman's emancipation and free love 97 

advocate promiscuous mating, but he wishes to revitalize the 
dead institution of marriage and, therefore, desires to see it 
liberated from the fetters of the church. 82 

The fact that the Vorrede was suppressed in Prussia on 
April 2i, 83 did not restrain Gutzkow from carrying out his 
idea of utilizing the novel as a “ Blendlaterne des Ideen- 
schmuggels.” 84 He recognized, as he admits at the end of the 
Vorrede, that the doctrinaire tone employed by him was really 
a profanation of the subject, and that it was the proper func¬ 
tion of the novel to elucidate these principles in a less offen¬ 
sive manner. 85 This professed purpose was one of the motives 
for writing Wally, die Zweiflerin. 

It would be far beyond the scope of this essay to discuss 
minutely the genesis of Wally with the purpose of determining 
the relative importance of the various elements entering into 
the final conglomeration. Strauss' Leben Jesu as well as the 
suicide of Charlotte Stieglitz, the Wolfenbiittler Fragmente and 
a personal experience in the social life of Frankfurt 86 all had 
a share to a greater or lesser degree in shaping the final ver¬ 
sion. 87 We shall confine ourselves to a consideration of those 
elements having to do with the question of woman’s emancipa¬ 
tion and the relations of the sexes. 

The close relationship between the Vorrede and Wally 88 and 
the significant influence of Gutzkow’s experience with Rosalie 88 

82 Proelss believes that Gutzkow’s Vorrede contained the first clear 
statement of those ideas which finally led to the introduction of civil 
marriage. Cf. op. cit., 553. 

83 Proelss, op. cit., 617; cf. also Ludwig Geiger, Das Junge Deutschland 
und die preussische Censur, Berlin, 1900, p. 59. 

84 Cf. above, p. 90. 

85 Gensel, W., X, 168. 

86 Houben, W., XI, 162. 

87 For detailed accounts cf. Eugen Wolff, op. cit., pp. IX-XLIX; 
Proelss, op. cit., 562-580; Dresch, op. cit., 209-219. 

88 This is also recognized by Wolff, op. cit., p. XXXI. 

89 Cf. also Proelss, op. cit., 564 f. 


98 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

have already been commented upon. We shall not be surprised, 
therefore, to discover a close resemblance between the views 
expressed in these two works on the feminist questions, with 
the difference, however, that in Wally these views are quite 
secondary in importance and subordinated to the main purpose 
of the book. Furthermore, the insolent and heedless tone and 
manner of the Vowed 6 has been abandoned for a calmer and 
more objective attitude on the subject. Of the two works 
Wally is decidedly the less offensive, and it is difficult to under¬ 
stand why it should have called forth such a storm of protest 
and drawn upon itself such passionate abuse. 

In the introduction to the second edition of Wally 80 Gutz- 
kow states that Wally was primarily intended as a polemic 
against the pretensions ‘of the theologians, 91 and in fact, the 
major portion of the book deals with Wally’s religious doubts 
and despair and Caesar’s “ Confessions regarding Religion and 
Christianity.” But in the Vowede it was quite evident that 
Gutzkow’s bitter antagonism towards the official representatives 
of the church was greatly increased by Rosalie’s defection, and 
we may safely assume that this experience likewise influenced 
his attitude in Wally . 92 

Wally also betrays the influence of Gutzkow’s experience 
with Rosalie in the comments on woman’s low level of culture 
and her undeveloped intellectual capacities, just as the Vowede 
stressed and emphasized woman’s intellectual inferiority. Thus, 
for instance, Wally is shocked at times by “ fliese pflanzenartige 

»o The introduction bears the date of November, 1851. It is reprinted 
by Wolff, op. cit. 

Cf. Wolff, op. cit., 273. 

92 Even the epithet “ glattgescheitelt,” which was a favorite appellation 
for the theologians in the Vorrede, reappears in Wally. Cf. Wally’s 
entry in her diary concerning the Wolfenbiittler Fragmente: “Wie der 
Autor die Bibel zerfleischt, wie er in den glattgescheitelten Mienen jener 
Fischer und Zollner, welche das Christentum predigten, den Schalk 
entdeckt.” (Ibid., 138.) 


woman's emancipation and free love 


99 


Bewusstlosigkeit, in welcher die Frauen vegetieren, diese 
Zufalligkeit in alien ihren Begriffen, in ihrem Meinen und 
Furwahrhalten.” 93 Caesar makes a point of showing his 
contempt for music, in order to bring home to the young ladies 
their vacuity, these young ladies who respond with music when 
one demands ideas of them, 04 and somewhat later Gutzkow 
remarks: “ Was waren diese schmalen Briiste, diese gedanken- 
losen Kopfe ohne Gigots, ohne Pianoforte! ” 05 

The views expressed on marriage are also closely in line 
with those in the Vorrede. Wally informs us in her diary that 
Caesar, who is to a certain extent the mouthpiece of Gutzkow, 
has a shocking opinion of marriage and absolutely refuses to 
consider it an institution of the church. According to his 
opinion the sacrament of wedlock is love and not the blessing 
of the priest. 96 Because of the levity with which marriages 
are usually entered into, Caesar believes that the State ought 
not to perform even the civil ceremony, until the contracting 
parties can prove their love by the existence of a child. 97 It 
is evident that what is here advocated is not abolition of mar¬ 
riage, but a reformation of it, a liberation from the blighting 
influence of the church and the strangling conventions of society. 

It still remains for us to discuss the notorious “ Sigune 
scene ” which gave so much offense and which perhaps more 
than anything else caused Gutzkow to be denounced as an im¬ 
moral and unprincipled sensualist. 98 It is this scene that was 

™Ibid., 56. 

94 Ibid., 17 f. 

95 Ibid., 22. 

96 Ibid., 131; cf. this with the statement in the Vorrede, quoted above, 
p. 96: “ Der einzige Priester, der die Herzen traue, sei ein entziickender 
Augenblick, nicht die Kirche mit ihrer Zeremonie und ihren gescheitelten 
Dienern.” Cf. also Wolff, op. cit., 141: “ Caesar wird in Landern 
wohnen, wo das franzosische Recht herrscht. Er ist gliicklich, sich 
ohne die Kirche verheiraten zu diirfen.” 

” Ibid., 69. 

08 Cf. Menzel’s criticism: “ Sein Roman ist voll kranklicher raffi- 


100 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

supposed to implicate Gutzkow in the dissemination of the 
demoralizing doctrines concerning the emancipation of the flesh. 
Let us see on what facts these charges are based. 

Wally and Caesar have confessed their love for each other. 
But a consummation of their love in wedlock is impossible, 
because Wally has become engaged to the Sardinian Am¬ 
bassador. Caesar now boldly requests her to enter into a 
spiritual union with him, in the symbolic manner of the union 
between Sigune and Tschionatulander. Wally is shocked at 
this proposal and brusquely leaves Caesar. Gutzkow states 
that Caesar had shown “ die kindlichste Naivitat, eine, ruhrende 
Unschuld,” in making the request," and Wally immediately 
regrets her decision : “ Sie war sich mit ihrer Tugend recht 
abgeschmackt vorgekommen... .Sie fiihlte,.. .dass das Poeti- 
sche hoher steht, als alle Gesetze der Moral und des Herkom- 
mens.” 100 Finally she writes to Caesar: “ Ich schame mich 
vor Ihnen, dass ich Scham hatte ” 101 and accedes to his request. 
The scene itself is very briefly described as follows: 

“ Es ist wie ein Traum in den tausend Nachten und der einen. Zur 
Rechten des Bildes aber im Schatten steht Tschionatulander im goldenen, 
an der Sonne funkelnden Harnisch, Helm, Schild und Bogen ruhen auf 
der Erde. Der Mantel gleitet von des jungen Helden Schulter, seine 
Locken wallen iippig wie von einem Westhauche gehoben. Das Auge 
staunt; ein Entziicken lahmt die Zunge. Zur Linken aber schwillt aus den 
Sonnennebeln heraus ein Bild von bezaubernder Schonheit: Sigune, 
die schamhafter ihren nackten Leib enthiillt, als ihn die Venus der 
Medicis zu bedecken sucht. Sie steht da, hilflos, geblendet von der 
Torheit der Liebe, die sie um dies Geschenk bat, nicht mehr Willen, 
sondern zerflossen in Scham, Unschuld und Hingebung. Sie steht 
ganz nackt, die hehre Gestalt mit jungfraulich schwellenden Hiiften, 

nierter, ausgediiftelter Wollust. Der Verfasser glaubt nicht pikant 
genug sein zu konnen und entblosst seine Geliebte gleichsam auf offner 
Strasse, um sich bemerklich zu machen.” ( Literaturblatt, Sept. II, 
1835. Reprinted in Wolff, op. cit., 197.) Menzel also calls Gutzkow 
“ Nuditatenmaler.” (Ibid., 199.) 

w Ibid., 73. 

100 Ibid., 75. 

101 Ibid., 78. 


woman’s emancipation and free love 101 

mit alien zarten Beugungen und Linien, welche von der Brust bis zur 
Zehe hinuntergleiten. Und zum Zeichen, dass eine fromme Weihe die 
ganze Uppigkeit dieser Situation heilige, bliihen nirgends Rosen, sondern 
eine hohe Lilie sprosst dicht an dem Leibe Sigunens hervor und deckt 
symbolisch, als Blume der Keuschheit, an ihr die noch verschlossene 
Knospe ihrer Weiblichkeit. Alles ist ein Hauch an dem Bilde, ein 
stummer Moment. . . . Das Ganze ist ein Frevel; aber ein Frevel der 
Unschuld.” 102 

We agree with Brandes’ comment on this scene that Caesar’s 
request is insane and the fulfillment of it ridiculous, but, as 
Brandes adds, the conception of this scene is so chaste and the 
exposition so tame, that it was an act of the greatest meanness 
to appeal to the police for help against the depravity of litera¬ 
ture. 103 

Far from being an ardent adherent of the St. Simonistic 
doctrines, Gutzkow in Wally takes an independent and critical 
attitude towards them. Towards the conclusion of his critique 
of religion Caesar also examines among other recent phe¬ 
nomena the theories of St. Simonism. But he does not recog¬ 
nize them as a revolution in the realm of thought, but merely 
as a symptom of the age, their shortcomings being due to too 
much philosophizing. 104 This was precisely the criticism 
leveled at St. Simonism in the Briefe eines Narren in 1831. 105 

In summing up Wally we subscribe to the conclusion reached 
by Dresch: “Wally is not a work of woman’s emancipation, 
but of human emancipation. Gutzkow has no admiration for 
woman; he only accords her a little sympathy and pity. If he 
speaks of her, it is only with reference to man, and for man; 
he himself has more than once confessed this, and the best 
commentary on Wally is contained in the words written by him 
in 1838: * We seek the free man and not the free woman,—we 
seek the rehabilitation of the spirit and not of the flesh,—we 

102 Ibid., 79 f. 

103 Op. cit., 243. 

104 “ Krankelt an der Philosophasterei.” Wolff, op. cit., 177. 

105 Cf. above, p. 79. 


8 


102 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

seek God, not because we have lost him, but because he alone 
is truly blessed in God who has found him himself / ” 106 

We have heretofore intentionally refrained from seeking 
enlightenment on these questions and confirmation of our 
conclusions in Gutzkow’s later statements regarding these 
works and this period of his life, for we wished to examine 
these works as impartially as possible without resorting to 
external aids for our exegesis. But now that we have con¬ 
cluded our preliminary investigation and established the main 
facts, we may safely go to Gutzkow himself for his testimony 
and see how far our conclusions are in accord with his own 
comments and interpretations. 

In 1839 Hoffmann and Campe published a Jahrbuch der Lite- 
ratur which contained as its first article an essay from 
Gutzkow’s pen entitled Vergangenheit und Gegenwart. This 
is of very great importance, autobiographically and critically, 
for the history and psychology of the literary movement in the 
thirties. 107 One of the chapters bears the sub-title “ Gedanken 
im Kerker,” 108 and is a literal transcription from the diary 
which Gutzkow kept during his imprisonment in 1835. This 
was not intended for publication and there is no reason to doubt 
its sincerity. Regarding the underlying motives for writing 
Wally, we find the following interesting statement: 

“Ich schrieb, so aber, dass es wie Raketen aufprasseln musste; 
Wirkungen berechnete ich nicht, aber sie konnten da nicht ausbleiben, 
wo man damonisch produzierte. Was ich denke, ist bald gestaltet; was 
ich anschaue, steht im Nu verkorpert da. Tendenz kenn’ ich nicht, ob 
ich gleich die schonste habe, die es gibt, meine Uberzeugung; aber 
Tendenz ist es nicht, die mich Wally schreiben Hess. Mein Gemiit musste 

106 Dresch, op. cit., 218. The quotation is from the essay Henrik 
Steffens (1838), included in his Offentliche Charaktere. Cf. Werke, 
1S72, IX, 327. 

107 Cf. Houben, W., X, 8. The essay is reprinted in Houben, W., 
XII, 52-111. 

108 Ibid., 91-97. 


woman's emancipation and free love 


103 


Frieden haben; die letzte Anstrengung, wie eine vulkanische Eruption, 
musste ihr noch einmal vorangehen. St. Simonismus, Wiederherstellung 
des Fleisches, junges Deutschland; kenne von dem alien nichts, kenne 
mein Herz nur, mein Leben, meine Toten. . . . Strafbar ist es vielleicht, 
seine Gemutsumwalzungen offentlich in Szene zu setzen; strafe man 
mich! Aber meine Zukunft mache mir niemand unmoglich! ” 100 

This is a striking substantiation of the conclusions we had 
reached above. Gutzkow was not deliberately attempting to 
make converts for radical theories concerning the relations 
of the sexes, but was merely giving vent to his pent-up emotions 
after his unhappy experience with Rosalie, and is ready to 
admit that it was injudicious to do so and is willing to suffer 
the consequences. Rosalie’s defection is likewise referred to 
in the chapter directly preceding the “ Gedanken im Kerker,” 
when, after enumerating all the various elements which had an 
influence on the questionable character of Young German 
literature, he adds that there were also personal experiences 
which cannot be mentioned, but which had to do with the 
“ Philistinism of a timorous, prudish and materialistic so¬ 
ciety.” 110 

In the chapter on Heinrich Laube he is outspoken in con¬ 
demning eroticism and licentiousness, and he denies that there 
were any such motives in his own works. Thus in discussing 
Laube’s novel Das Junge Europa he states: 

“ Von mir selbst muss ich eingestehen, dass ich dieses Buches niemals 
froh geworden bin und mich namentlich an der Verbindung argerte, 
die hier zwischen der emanzipierten Liebe und der Hingebung an 
politische Ideen stattfand. Die letztern schienen mir durch jene ver- 
unreinigt zu sein; sie wurden es auch. Man kann, was ich selbst getan 
habe, die nach dem Freiesten und Gottlichsten ringende Liebe schildern 
und die Schonheiten und Irrtiimer eines solchen Idealismus in Herzen 
entstehen lassen, die die Freiheit wie ihr Leben lieben; man kann, wie 
es mir selbst geschehen ist, in der gliihendsten und durch aussre Umstande 
ungliicklichen Neigung fur ein weibliches Wesen sich zu Trotz und 
verzweifelter Bitterkeit gegen Sitte und Gesetz hinreissen lassen und 

100 Ibid., 96. 

no Ibid., 90. 


104 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 


alle die Schranken zertriimmern wollen, welche uns in kalter Herzlo- 
sigkeit den Besitz unsres Ideals verweigern; aber jener Gedanke, dass 
unsre Poesie an die matten, wenn auch geistreichen Sinnlichkeitsgemalde 
eines Heinse wieder ankniipfen sollte, ist mir asthetisch und moralisch 
von jeher so zuwider gewesen, dass ich dies ewige Lanzenbrechen 
der Laubeschen Helden, diese Buhlereien von hundert Weibern um 
einen Mann . . '. verwarf.” 111 

This severe criticism of Laube was not an afterthought, nor 
an attempt to clear himself by accusing someone else, for, as 
we have seen above, he had already expressed his disapproval 
of this novel as early as 1833. 

In a similar fashion Gutzkow points out his own relative 
innocence compared with the regular system of St. Simonistic 
doctrines as evolved by Theodor Mundt: 

“ Mundt hatte sich tief in Rahel verlesen, er hatte den St. Simonismus 

als System vollstandiger gekannt, als ich ihn noch kenne. Er war es, 

der das vollstandigste Register aller sozialen Neuerungen auswendig 
wusste und in der Madonna ordentlich ein System desselben entwickelte. 
Ich gestehe kleinmutig, dass ich die Rehabilitation des Fleisches erst 
von ihm lernte, nachdem ich langst in ihrem Interesse sollte geschrieben 
haben, ja dass ich sie in der Madonna erst fand, als man spater darauf 
aufmerksam machte! Ich schwamm wohl in einer neuen Ideenwelt, 
hatte aber nicht so viel feste Inseln in ihr entdeckt wie Mundt, der 

frischweg aus dem St. Simonismus und aus Rahel in sein System 

iibersetzte, was den herrschenden Sitten nur irgend widersprach ” 112 

During his imprisonment in Mannheim in 1835, Gutzkow 
was also engaged in writing a philosophical essay which was 
published in 1836 under the title Zur Philosophic der Ge- 
schichte , 113 and in which he expresses his impatience with the St. 
Simonistic idea of woman’s emancipation, calling it “ die 

111 Ibid., 69. For similar statements cf. also pp. 70 and 100. 

112 Ibid., 85 f. Cf. also the following statement: “Laubes Frivolitat 
und Unreife musste der entgelten, der sie verabscheute. Mundts 
Frauenemanzipation und Fleischwiedereinsetzung kam als System auf 
die Rechnung dessen, der nur einzelne Szenen und Ausspriiche gegeben 
hatte, die man im Sinne desselben deuten konnte.” (Ibid., 88 f.) 

113 Ibid., XI, 177. The title was later changed to Philosophic der 
Tat und des Ereignisses. 


woman's emancipation and free love 


105 


albernste Idee, die unser Zeitalter ausgeheckt hat ” and stat¬ 
ing that the St. Simonists were “ iiberwiegend verruckt.” 114 
Gutzkow’s contempt for this whole question is also apparent 
from an article entitled “ Karl Immermann in Hamburg.” 115 
Immermann had confessed to Gutzkow that he took a keen 
interest in all questions relating to the nature of woman and 
her mission, that he realized how easy it was to make these 
discussions seem ridiculous, but that this was no argument 
against their relative value. Gutzkow nevertheless comments 
skeptically: “ Es schien mir fast, als wenn ihn die Bekannt- 
schaft mit irgend einer exzeptionellen weiblichen Natur so 
begeistert von einer Frage reden Hess, bei der man auf jedem 
Schritt in die Gefahr gerat, aus einem tiefsinnigen Denker 
um die Breite eines Haares ein Phantast zu werden.” 116 

Furthermore, instead of finding Gutzkow criticizing the 
institution of marriage and upholding the theories of free love, 
we discover him to be an ardent champion of marriage as one 
of the foundations of civilization. In the Sdkularbilder 117 he 
inveighs against those poets who, by grossly depicting domestic 
strife and matrimonial troubles, undermine morality. His own 
faith in marriage is formulated in the following words: “ Die 
Ehe bleibt und ist ein Hebei der Kultur und kann weder von 
dem freien Weibe St. Simons, noch von Lelias spitzfindig 
sinnlichen Griibeleien untergraben werden. Die Tatsache 
derselben ist so einfach, ihr logischer Grund so naturlich, dass 
eine Erschiitterung unmoglich ist.” 118 

114 Werke, 1872, XII, 147. 

115 Originally published in the Telegraph, 1840, Nr. 152-153, and later 
included in the series Offentliche Charaktere. 

lie Houben, W., VIII, 153. 

11 7 Originally published in 1837 as Die 'Zeitgenossen under the 
pseudonym of E. L. Bulwer. 

ns Werke, 1872, VIII, 326; cf. also p. 327, where he continues in a 
similar strain: “Den Junggesellen sollte es gelingen, uns den ehelichen 
Stand zu verleiden? Sie sollten Macht gewinnen, einen Pantheismus 


106 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 


There were many instances in which Gutzkow felt called 
upon to defend himself against unjust accusations and insinua¬ 
tions. Thus in 1837 he contributed a five page article to the 
columns of the Telegraph,™ pointing out the injustice and 
misconceptions of Karl Hase, Professor of Theology at Jena, 
whose Latin oration “ de came mancipato seu rehabilitate, de 
Wallyde sceptica, de matrimonio extra ecclesiam sive de poly- 
gamia ” had now appeared in a German translation. 120 Gutz¬ 
kow is particularly incensed because he and his fellow-authors 
have been accused by the opponents of Young Germany: of 
having evolved a regular system of “ demokratischem Chilias- 
mus und abgestandenem franzosischem Unsinn.” Prof. Hase 
has, he declared, committed this same fundamental error. He 
takes no account of the individual authors nor of the motiva¬ 
tion for their several works, he does not even charge them 
with licentiousness and dissoluteness, but accuses them of 
formulating a system of St. Simonistic dbetrines. Gutzkow 
bitterly resents the assumption that the eccentric remarks in 
his Vorrede zu Schleiermachers Lucvnden Briefen had any¬ 
thing to do with the St. Simonistic system, and insists that they 
were caused by disgust with certain theological tendencies and 
that they must be explained by personal experiences. 

One month later 121 Gutzkow reviews at length Henrik 
Steffens’ novel in three volumes entitled Revolution and calls 
it “ die gehassigste Insinuation, die uns die Ketzermacherei der 

der Geschlechtsneigung zu predigen, der zur Auflosung aller Sitte und 
Ordnung fiihren wiirde? Ich verdenke ihnen nicht, dass sie sich 
rachen, . . . allein dass sie deshalb in der Ehe logische und 
metaphysische Widerspriiche zu entdecken glauben, das ist eine Verblen- 
dung, von welcher es mir friiher leid tat, sie von einer so geistvollen 
Schriftstellerin, wie die Verfasserin der Lelia ist, geteilt zu sehen.” 

119 August, 1837, No. 24, pp. 185 ff. 

120 Karl Hase, Das junge Deutschland, ein theologisches Votum , 
1837. For brief discussion cf. Proelss, op. cit., 720 f. 

121 September, 1837, Telegraph, No. 4 i~ 45 » PP- 3 2 i- 35 & 


woman's emancipation and free love 107 

neuesten Zeit gebracht hat.” He again complains that the 
most absurd and extravagant ideas of Father Enfantin regard¬ 
ing emancipation and the like are attributed to his supposed 
disciples, and he implores his readers to recognize at least his 
" sacred seriousness ” even if he cannot dissipate their preju¬ 
dices entirely. 122 

Even in the Ruckblicke auf mein Leben, written towards 
the end of his life, Gutzkow takes occasion to define emanci¬ 
pation of the flesh, “ von welcher in der unsinnigsten Weise 
von damaligen Anklagern und noch immer in den Lehrbuchern 
der Literaturgeschichte ... gefabelt wird,” as signifying 
nothing but rehabilitation of the natural, “ flesh ” being used 
in the biblical sense in contrast with “ spirit.” 123 

If we now search for indirect evidence in Gutzkow’s liter¬ 
ary work subsequent to Wally , the result is equally striking and 
conclusive. For we do not find a single word or scene that 
betrays any predilection for eroticism or licentiousness, and 
woman's emancipation or St. SimOnism in any radical sense, 
if mentioned at all, evokes either sarcastic comment or is re¬ 
jected altogether. To give but a few illustrations, the romantic 
satire Die literarischen Elfen 124 was directed against Mundt 
and the current literature of woman’s emancipation which con¬ 
stantly made use of the name George Sand. 125 Speculantia, 
the eldest daughter of one of the mighty spirits of the Harz, 
has a decidedly modern bent of mind. Her words, her eyes 
and her actions betray a vague longing. She has read Rahel 
and Charlotte Stieglitz, she takes a keen interest in Young 

122 This essay was later included in Offentliche Charaktere. Cf. 
Werke, 1872, IX, 306-327, where, however, it is erroneously dated as 
1838. 

123 Houben, W., XI, 155 f. 

124 Originally published in the Telegraph , 1838, No. 31 ff. ; then in¬ 
cluded in the Skizzenbuch, 1839, and finally incorporated in the Ruckblicke 
auf mein Leben. Cf. Houben, W., XI, 205-260. 

125 Cf. Dresch, op. cit., 308 f. 


108 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

Germany and has wept bitter tears over the Federal Decree of 
1835. She also admires and worships George Sand and is 
finally granted an interview, listening devoutly to the words 
of wisdom issuing from the lips of her idol. But George 
Sand does not hold forth on the emancipation of woman, but 
advises Speculantia that the state, society, and science are the 
proper province of man, and that woman is made for love 
alone. Woman’s mission is to be joined to a man, to vindicate 
love and self-sacrifice over against the egotism of man. “To 
know, to excuse, to understand is for every woman an indis¬ 
pensable duty.” After this meeting with George Sand Specu¬ 
lantia returns to her subterranean palace and marries the 
“ Alpenkonig.” 

Very illuminating also regarding Gutzkow’s attitude on this 
subject are a few isolated remarks jotted down in his note¬ 
book containing sketches and ideas for dramatic treatment. 
Thus under the caption Torheiten der Zeit he lists among 
other things Die gelehrten Frauen and Die emanzipierten 
Frauen. 12 * He scoffs at this question in a somewhat more 
elaborate comedy sketch entitled Die Blaustrumpfe 127 while a 
similar idea is contained in La femme incomprise . 129 

A good illustration for Gutzkow’s contemptuous treatment 
of this theme of woman’s emancipation is furnished by the 
play Die stille Familie (1841). 129 One of the principal charac¬ 
ters in this play is Auguste, a married woman, who serves as 
the type for the modem emancipated woman. She chafes 

12® Page 65 of the first notebook, designated by Houben as n 1 . Cf. 
Houben, Studien, 28 f. According to Houben’s ingenious method the 
approximate date is 1841-1842. Cf. ibid., 7. 

127 n 1 , p. 168. Published in Muller, op. cit., 27 f. The approximate 
date is 1843. Cf. Houben, Studien, 11. 

128 n 1 , p. 77. Cf. Muller, op. cit., 25. The approximate date is 1842. 
Cf. Houben, Studien, 7. 

129 This play was never performed and was printed only in manu¬ 
script. A detailed analysis and discussion, however, can be found in 
Muller, op. cit., 32-52. 


woman's emancipation and free love 109 

under the restrictions of her home and, therefore, the new 
doctrine of greater freedom for women which has come to 
Germany from across the Rhine makes a temporary appeal to 
her. But in the end virtue is victorious and the sanctity of 
wedlock is maintained, as indicated by the following words: 
“ O mag er es von Ihnen erfahren, dass es noch Frauen gibt, 
die dem Getiimmel der Welt, das Gluck der stillen Familie, 
Frauen, die der schimmernden Schellenkrone frankischer Frei- 
heit das sanfte Jock der deutschen Liebe vorziehen.” 130 

In seeking to determine Gutzkow’s attitude towards woman’s 
emancipation and free love, we may also take into account 
his own personal life. The outstanding fact here is that at 
the very moment when he was accused of undermining morality 
and the institution of marriage, he became formally betrothed 
and soon after his discharge from prison contracted a conven¬ 
tional marriage “ in order to gratify my longing for hearth and 
home and all the virtues that are said to dwell therein.” 131 
Wolfgang Menzel’s base insinuations that Gutzkow led an 
unchaste life were without foundation. 

Before concluding this chapter we must still consider the 
charge that was frequently made against Gutzkow in later years 
that he lacked courage, since his later views were supposed to 
be inconsistent with those expressed in the Vorrede and Wally. 
The Hallische Jahrbilcher, for instance, published an article by 
Karl Biedermann 132 who was unable to reconcile Gutzkow’s 
present attitude with his former viewpoint. Gutzkow replied 
in the Telegraph that he had never given any cause to be 
charged with immorality, and that he cannot become frivolous, 
immoral and insipid now merely to please Biedermann and to 
give him an opportunity to write long dissertations in refuta- 

130 Italics are Gutzkow’s. Cf. ibid., 53. 

131 Riickblicke. Houben, W., XI, 156. 

132 “ £)i e junge Literatur und ihr Prinzip in der Reform des Ge- 
schlechtsverhaltnisses,” Hallische Jahrbiicher, No. 176-182, July 24-31, 
1838. 


110 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

tion thereof. And Gutzkow is quite justified in asserting that 
in comparison with himself Mundt, Kiihne and Laube, whom 
Biedermann treats so leniently, were the most subservient 
lackeys as regards the frank avowal of religious and political 
convictions. 133 

We have endeavored to show that Gutzkow never was deeply 
interested in and that he never gave his unqualified approval 
to the St. Simonistic theories of emancipation and free love. 
Up to the year 1835 there was nothing whatsoever in his works 
that could implicate him in the propagation of these ideas. 
The only works that seem to proclaim these doctrines were the 
Vorrede zu Schleiermachers Briefen iiber die Lucinde, and 
Wally, die Zweiflerin, and both of these, as we have seen, were 
written under the stress of great emotion. They were an em¬ 
bittered protest against the pretensions of the church and the 
fossilized conventions of society which had robbed him of his 
fiancee. The Vorrede which contained the most reckless 
statements was, as Brandes puts it, 134 “ knabenhaft geschmack- 
los ” and “ burschikose Prahlerei,” but his main contention was 
not that marriage should be abolished, but that it should be 
placed on a civil basis and freed from the authority of the 
church. To this principle he adhered until the very end of his 
life. In the Journal which was discovered in his death-chamber 
we find the same idea expressed in verse: 

“ Erst wenn der Tiirme Zungen schweigen, 

Die Orgel nicht mehr brausend ruft, 

Ein Pfaffe in die Hochzeitsreigen 
Nicht treten darf an Lebensgruft, 

Wird bluhen uns des Geistes Mai 
Und Menschheit atmen gross und frei.” 13 ® 

133 cf. Telegraph, No. 68, April, 1839, pp. 537-541. 

134 Op. cit., 240 f. 

135 Dresch, op. cit., 461. Dresch has printed in the appendix to his 
book all the passages from the Journal which he was able to decipher. 
Cf. pp. 458-463. 


CONCLUSION 


Gutzkow is not a woman’s poet. He is neither, like Klop- 
stock, a sentimental and seraphic singer of woman’s virtue 
and nobility, nor, like Hebbel, a champion of woman’s right 
to her own individuality. The generation to which Gutzkow 
belonged showed an increasingly lively interest in the problem 
of woman’s independence and made marked progress toward its 
solution. But Gutzkow himself, who took a keen interest and 
active part in all the multitudinous questions of the day, 
whether social, political or religious, literary, artistic or educa¬ 
tional, had only mild sympathy for the feminist movement and 
did not bestir himself very actively in furthering it. This 
lack of interest was no doubt largely due to his own unhappy 
experiences with women, for with the exception of the few 
brief years during which he basked in the sunlight of Therese’s 
love, his relations with the other sex were not of the kind to 
produce an idealistic conception of womankind. 

The unhappiness in Gutzkow’s relations with women must 
be attributed partly to unfortunate circumstances. In part, 
however, the explanation must be sought in his own character 
and temperament. His capacity for happiness was sharply 
limited, not merely in his love relationships, but in every other 
contact with humanity. Something like an elemental force 
within him drove him restlessly on from experience to ex¬ 
perience. He felt a constant need of change and of new 
environment. He never attained to a state of inner composure, 
nor found lasting satisfaction in his acts or his occupation or 
his friends. 

This same characteristic also affected Gutzkow’s love rela¬ 
tions. There was a constant conflict waging in his soul be¬ 
lli 


112 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

tween love and ambition, a struggle which he frequently repre¬ 
sents in his work. In the first part of Seraphine, which is ad¬ 
mittedly autobiographical, he made a confession, which applies 
not merely to his early love-affair with Leopoldine Spohn, but 
which holds equally true of his later life: 

“ Ich verliess die Schule und fiel mit Hast iiber alles her, was meinen 
Geist und mein Herz bereichern konnte. Ich war noch rein und fromm 
in meinen Gefiihlen, ich war ehrgeizig, aber nicht anders, als in der 
Absicht, mich dem Allgemeinen zu op fern, mein Ehrgeiz zerfloss in 
das blaue Licht meiner Ideale. Aber der Zwiespalt zwischen Herz 
und Welt nagte schon fruh an meinem Leben. Ich wollte fur jenes 
Eroberungen machen und konnt’ es nur, wenn ich diese aufgab. Ich 
wollte mich in das Verstandnis der Begebenheiten, lernend und teil- 
nehmend, werfen und konnt’ es wieder nur, wenn ich meinem Herzen 
keine Fesseln anlegte.” 1 

No matter how earnestly, then, Gutzkow longed for woman’s 
love and felt the need of it to sustain him in his arduous 
tasks, its attainment invariably brought disagreeable conse¬ 
quences. It burdened him with obligations and hampered him 
in his freedom, so that the blessing turned into a curse. This 
accounts for his frequent fickleness of sentiment and explains 
his constant hesitation between two women, beginning with his 
attitude of uncertainty as between Leopoldine Spohn and her 
sister, an episode which significantly foreshadows future com¬ 
plications. Here also is to be found the cause of his wistful 
recollection of Rosalie when he has failed to find his ideal in 
his wife Amalie, as he represents it in Werner, and of the 
bitter struggle between his love for Therese and his duty to 
Amalie, which finds expression in Die Selbsttaufe and Ein 
weisses Blatt. Finally it helps to an understanding of his 
strange revulsion of feeling when death had deprived him of 
Amalie and there was no further obstacle to a union with 
Therese. As soon as the goal is within reach, it loses its 
previous glamour, the gold turns to dross. This radical change 

1 Werke, 1845, III, p. 74. 


CONCLUSION 


113 


of sentiment we have seen mirrored in Ottfried and in the re¬ 
lations between Helene d’Azimont and Egon von Hohenberg 
in Die Ritter vom Geist. The weakness of character which the 
man in Gutzkow’s triangular love conflicts so frequently be¬ 
trays is a characteristic which our author himself showed 
throughout his relations to women. 

In the second chapter, the examination of our author’s works 
with reference to his experiences has shown that throughout 
his career from the Sadduzaer von Amsterdam to Die Ritter 
vom Geist his relations with women are faithfully reflected. 
From this standpoint it has been possible to gain a better under¬ 
standing and appreciation of many of the problems which he 
treats and of his female types. Here, however, our field has 
necessarily been limited in the main to a consideration of plot 
and character. 

In the works considered in the third chapter, where theory 
and Tendenz play a more important part, the inquiry could be 
broadened and more significant results expected. Here the 
investigation has shown the determining influence of personal 
experiences on the radical views expressed in the Vorrede and 
in Wally and will be found, we believe, to throw further light 
on this dark and frequently misinterpreted chapter in Gutz- 
kow’s life. It has, to be sure, also shown that his share in the 
promulgation in Germany of revolutionary ideas regarding 
woman’s emancipation and free love was very small indeed. 

On the basis of what has been set forth and of further 
evidence from his work, we shall now try to present as defi¬ 
nitely as the facts permit a summary of Gutzkow’s concep¬ 
tion of woman and his attitude toward love and marriage. 

For an understanding of Gutzkow’s conception of womankind 
it is again in his own experiences that we must look for the 
key. Even in his early boyhood there were incidents that 
did not cultivate an uncritical and idealistic attitude toward 


114 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

women. While he testifies to his love and adoration for his 
mother, his sensibilities were rudely shocked by the many bitter 
quarrels between his parents, by his uncle’s recital of matri¬ 
monial difficulties and by his elder brother’s realistic accounts 
of his numerous love-affairs. Gutzkow’s involuntary engage¬ 
ment to Leopoldine Spohn in his eighteenth year tended to make 
him critical and cynical. His relationship with Rosalie at 
first, to be sure, gave promise of a happy union. She seemed 
to fulfill his ideal of womanhood. But soon there developed 
difficulties of various kinds, principally religious differences, 
which finally resulted in a complete rupture. We can best 
describe the far-reaching effect of such a disappointment in 
love in the words of our author himself in the Zauberer von 
Rom: “ Eine verlorene Liebe ist wie eine zerstossene Perle, 
die den Becher eines ganzen Lebens wiirzt—wie ein Tropfen 
zerflossenen Goldes, womit ein Maler auf der Palette seine 
samtlichen Farben mischt.” 2 The specific influence of 
Rosalie’s defection on Gutzkow’s thought and work is set forth 
by him in his Riickblicke auf mein Leben: “ Die Abneigung, 
die in mir entstanden war, die Verhimmelungen der lyrischen 
Muse fiber den Wert der Frauen zu teilen und beim Schreiben 
speziell nur der Frauen zu gedenken, denen vorzugsweise zu 
huldigen, kurz auf Gedankenkreise einzugehen, an denen den 
Frauen nach Goethe am meisten gelegen sein mfisse . . . 
blieb; sie blieb in meinem Blasedow und seine Sohne fast bis 
zum Zynischen. . . . Nur ffir Manner wollte und konnte ich 
schreiben.” 3 

We have already pointed out that up to Gutzkow’s break with 
Rosalie, woman played a very insignificant part in his work. 
It was the religious and political questions of the day which 
absorbed him. Henceforth woman figures more prominently; 

2 Dritte Auflage, Leipzig, 1869, Book VI, Vol. I, p. 101. 

s Houben, W., XI, 27 f. 


CONCLUSION 


115 


but for years to come his female types and his reflections on 
woman in general reveal his shattered faith in womanhood. 
Judith in the Sadduzder von Amsterdam is a weak woman, who 
does make an attempt to rise to the lofty heights of her lover 
Uriel, but then lacks the strength of character and will to stand 
by him, when her own cherished beliefs are at stake. The Vor- 
rede and Wally, as we have seen, lay great stress on woman’s in¬ 
tellectual inferiority. The novelette Seraphine, published in 
1837, but actually completed during Gutzkow’s imprisonment, 4 
deals with the motive of scepticism in love. The method of 
treatment is aptly described by Seraphine’s first lover, Arthur 
Stahl, when he says: “ Mit meinem terroristischen Skalpell 
anatomierte ich ihre Seele.” 5 Considering Gutzkow’s frame 
of mind at the time of writing it, we can easily forecast the 
result. The ruthless analysis of Seraphine’s character which 
follows is coldly destructive. One passage will suffice to in¬ 
dicate that Gutzkow’s conception of woman had undergone no 
change from that proclaimed with so much asperity in the 
Vorrede. Arthur gives vent to his grief by confiding to his 
faithful friend Fritz Federer: 

“ Sieh, Fritz, Seraphine hat Geist. Sie hat sogar Verstand und im 
Verstande Witz: Fremde ziehet sie stundenlang auf und ertragt ein 
Gesprach, wo die feinsten Saiten klingen. Wenn ich mich aber hinreissen 
lasse und ihr meine Begriffe zu entwickeln beginne, dann bleibt sie in 
ihren Entgegnungen immer beim Trivialen, Angelernten, bei der Phrase 
sitzen. Ich weiss, sie sind freilich alle so, die sich vorzugsweise hoher 
diinkenden weiblichen Naturen. Alle haben sie sich die gefiihlvollen 
Gemeinplatze iiber Liebe, Religion und Leben zu eigen gemacht und 
fallen, wenn du aus des Gedankens tiefstem Borne schopftest, dir in 
die Flanken mit ihrem schon alles Gewussthaben. Fritz, sie verstehen dich 
gleich, wenn du noch gar nicht fertig bist, und wenn du sie reden 
lassest und fragst nun, was sie denn glaubten, dass du meintest, dann 
sagen sie gerade die Satze, die du bekampfst, die ausgedroschenen Stroh- 
kissen, auf welchen sich die egoistischen schonen Seelen ausruhen! ” 6 

^ Houben, W., XI, 177. 

6 Werke, 1845, III, 99. 

6 Ibid., 99 f. 


116 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

The criticism leveled at women in Wally, namely that they 
have substituted music for intellectual attainments, comes out 
again in the Sdkularbilder: 

“Was vermisst man bei einem grossen Teil unsrer Frauen? . Esprit. 
Der Grund dieses Mangels liegt auf der Hand. Esprit ist eine 
gefahrliche Geistesgabe, Mitgift in einem Zeitalter, wo man die Be- 
schranktheit Gemiit, die Frivolitat Geist nennt und den ‘Esprit’ in 
alien Literaturgeschichten verschrieen hat. Aber der Ersatz, den wir 
fur die * Frauen von Geist ’ durch die Mendelssohn-Singerinnen bekom- 
men haben, ist kein Fortschritt.” 7 

Gutzkow’s acerbity towards woman is especially pronounced 
in the novel Blasedow und seine Sohne (1838), which he him¬ 
self has singled out as an illustration of his cynical views. A 
selection from Blasedow’s farewell letter, his legacy to his sons, 
typifies the treatment accorded to women. It sums up the 
teachings Blasedow had instilled in them and provides them 
with wise maxims for their future guidance. Among other 
things he also cautions them against the shallowness of women 
and exhorts them to be proud in their relations with the other 
sex: 

“Im Umgang mit Frauen seid stolzl Das ist das einzige Mittel, 
hier Strudel, Klippen und Siimpfe zu vermeiden. Wer vor Frauen 
scheu ist, wird in Gefahr kommen, jede fur liebewert zu halten, und 
keine Gefahr ist grosser. Sprecht ihr mit Frauen, so haltet den Kopf 
unverruckt in die Hohe und wendet ihn nicht, sondern nur die Augen, 
je nach euren Einfalien und Affekten. Erwagt noch Einsl Lasst euch 
von Frauen nicht uberfliigeln! Denn, da sie nicht notig hatten, das 
zu lernen, was ihr wisst und noch lernen miisset, so konnten sie ihrem 
kleinen Inhalte bald eine Form geben. Sie imponieren euch durch ihre 
Abrundung. Bedenkt dies! Was sie haben, bieten sie auf einmal. 
Sie haben im Hintergrunde der Vortruppen, mit-welchen sie hargelieren, 
nur noch sich selbst, ihre Person, das, was sie ihr Herz nennen und was 
selten mehr als ihre Eitelkeit ist. Wisset ihr das, kann es euch da noch 
schwer fallen, Frauen fiir zu unbedeutend zu halten, als dass ihr sie 
zum Mittelpunkte eures jungen Lebens macht?” 8 

7 Werke, 1872, VIII, 321 f. 

8 Werke, 1845, Vol. VII, 311. 


CONCLUSION 


117 


As a further instance of this harshness towards women we 
may quote the contemptuous verses from the tragedy Konig 
Saul (1839), which Houben has cited in his study of Uriel 
Acosta: 8 

“ Weiber wissen nur 

Den Wert des Mann’s nach dem zu schatzen, was 
Bequem fur sie. Wann gabe wohl ein Weib, 

Wenn ihrem Freund die Wahl gelassen bliebe, 

Ob er an ihrem Busen feige heissen, 

Ob Mann von ihr getrennt er wolle sein, 

Den Ausschlag dorthin, wo Entsagung sich 
Mit ihres Freundes Lorbeer’n trosten muss? ” 10 

Beginning with the year 1839, however, a slight change may 
be noted in Gutzkow’s attitude toward women. In Richard 
Savage which ushered in his dramatic career, the actress Miss 
Ellen is loving and devoted, and courageously stands by her 
friend Richard, even though her love is unrequited. Likewise 
in Werner oder Her2 und Welt, both Julie von Jordan and 
Marie Winter are more sympathetically drawn than his pre¬ 
vious woman characters. Immediately after the performance 
of Werner, Gutzkow began work on a new play, Grdfin Esther, 
of which only the first two acts were eventually completed. 11 
In the third act Esther was to become the mistress of the 
ruling prince for altruistic reasons, “ mit dem edelsten Gefuhl 
fur Sittlichkeit, ohne von Glanz und Reichtum geblendet zu 
sein, rein in dem Glauben, sie konne dem bessern Selbst eines 
wilden, aufbrausenden und mit dem Wohle seiner Untertanen 
spielenden Fiirsten zur Retterin werden. . . 12 

At first blush one is inclined to attribute this change in Gutz¬ 
kow’s conception of woman to the influence of his wife Amalie. 
But as we have shown above, Gutzkow’s relations with his 

9 Gut zkow-F unde, p. 352. 

10 Act III, Scene 3. 

11 Included in Vor- und Nach-Mdrsliches, Leipzig, 1850. 

12 Ibid., 4 7. 

9 


118 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

wife were not of a kind to cause a profound alteration in his 
views of her sex. As a matter of fact no such change was 
evident in his works during the first few years of his married 
life. Moreover, we cannot account for this new point of view 
by reference to Therese, for she had not yet entered his life. 
A perfectly natural explanation, however, can be found in 
the simple fact that the passing of the years had rendered his 
personal suffering less intense and somewhat healed his wounds. 
Besides, outside the sphere of his personal life, there had been 
and still were in the public eye many women who were pos¬ 
sessed of keen intellectual powers and who were capable of 
personal heroism and self-sacrifice. Apart from Rahel, Bettina, 
and Charlotte Stieglitz, Gutzkow specifically mentions the wife 
of Wilhelm Schulz of Darmstadt, who freed her husband, a 
political prisoner, from a fortress, 13 and Proelss lists many 
other instances of similar acts of devotion and bravery. 14 

But it is principally after Therese von Bacheracht has 
furnished him with the inspiration that we meet with such ide¬ 
alized women characters as the talented Eveline Steiner in 
Ein weisses Blatt, the brilliant Sidonie von Buren in Die 
Selbsttaufe and the heroic Judith Vanderstraaten in Uriel 
Acosta . 

As soon as Therese was eliminated from his life, his former 
prejudices against women reassert themselves. Sidonie von 
Buren in Ottfried now loses much of her previous charm. She 
still retains her intellectual and artistic distinction, but she has 
degenerated into an unsympathetic coquette. Helene d’Azi- 
mont in Die Ritter vom Geist likewise betrays the influence 
of Gutzkow’s rupture with Therese. Her selfish and unreason¬ 
ing love is an obstacle in the path of Egon’s highest ambition. 

Throughout Die Ritter vom Geist we find harsh judg- 

13 Houben, W., XI, 27. 

14 Op. cit., 792. 


CONCLUSION 


119 


ments of women. Egon is advised by his father: “ Verlieb’ 
dich nicht ernstlich, und lerne aus der Liebe zu den Weibern 
die leichteste Methode, sie zu verachten—! ” 15 Siegbert Wild- 
ungen complains that women have no conception of man’s 
duties: “ Das Seltsamste ist, dass in diesen Frauenkopfen von 
den Lebenspflichten des Mannes so gut wie keine Vorstellung 
existiert. Der Weltbau kann in Trummer gehen, wenn nur 
Platz zu ihrem! Gliicke bleibt. So unersattlich sind diese 
Leidenschaften in der grossen Welt, dass man zuletzt wirklich 
mit Wonne vor einem beschrankten Madchen stehenbleiben 
wiirde, das noch Sternbliimchen zerzupft und dabei fragt: 
* Liebt er mich oder liebt er mich nicht’ ? ” 16 Towards the 
end of the novel the author in person expatiates on the baneful 
influence of woman on man’s personality: “ Es ist ein 
unverwiistlicher Trieb der Frauen, die bedeutendere Natur 
der Manner nivellieren zu wollen, die allzu hohen Turme und 
Dacher der Manneskraft abzutragen, ja den Mann auf das 
Erdgeschoss zu verweisen. Sie ruhen nicht, bis derselbe Gott, 
den sie zu verehren vorgeben, klein, bedingt, geringfiigig vor 
ihnen steht. Sie ruhen nicht, bis es nicht den Anschein hat, 
als wenn ein Mann mit all seinen irdischen oder geistigen 
Vorziigen, mit all seinen Erfahrungen und seinem gereifteren 
Wissen doch ihrer tief bediirftig und ohne sie verlassen ware.” 17 

Similar derogatory dicta regarding women also abound in the 
Zauberer von Rom, the following being a fair illustration: 
“ Mit Geist und Charakter wollen die Frauen selten einen Mann. 
Sie wollen immer nur, wer ihnen schmeichelt oder amiisant ist 
oder im besten Falle Gemiit verrat, worunter sie etwas ver- 
stehen, was so viel ist wie unbedeutend.” 18 

is Gensel, W., XIII, 284. 

i« Ibid., XV, 88. 

17 Ibid., 390 f. 

18 Book I, Vol. II, p. 93; cf. also Book I, Vol. I, p. 117, Book VIII, 
Vol. II, p. 7. 


120 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

Briefly summed up, Gutzkow’s attitude toward woman may 
be designated as one of haughty scorn. He entertains an 
equally cynical view regarding love between man and woman. 
To be sure, we must distinguish between love as an ideal and 
love as he actually found it. The former is eloquently de¬ 
scribed in the third book of the Zauberer von Rom: “ Eine 
starke Waffe in allem Leid und bei aller Anfechtung der Seele 
ist dann eine reine Liebe. Eine reine Liebe reicht einen ehernen 
Schild dem Arm zum Kampfe gegen Leidenschaft und Un- 
geduld. Ihr Visir schutzt das Auge, nichts zu sehen von den 
Lockungen der Welt. Reine Liebe hiitet selbst die Traume. 
Ohne Kampf entwaffnet sie die Gedanken und verklart sie 
mit himmlischem Licht, dass in uns nur das Gute und Edle 
lebt. Pflanze, o Jiingling, reine Liebe schon auf den ersten 
Ringplatz deiner Beriihrung mit der Welt! Reine Liebe im 
Herzen, wirst du im Alltaglichsten dich vom Du ft des Schonen, 
vom Palmenfacheln des Grossen, vom Hosianna innerer Siege 
umweht fiihlen—! ” 19 

Such ideal love, however, Gutzkow believes to be very rare. 
In our discussion of the Vorrede we noted his constant harping 
on the fact that love had become commonplace and was in 
need of reform. Precisely the sante criticism of love reappears 
in the Sakularbilder (1837) : “Die Sympathie der Liebe ver- 
starkt sich nicht mehr aus einer cdlgemeinen Sentimentalitat 
wie im vorigen Jahrhundert. . . . Die Liebe fehlt wohl den 
Herzen nicht, allein sie hat an Ausdauer und Kraft verloren; 
sie unterwirft sich in unzahlig ofteren Fallen den Riicksichten, 
als fruher, sie duldet vielleicht mehr, als ehemals, allein an Mut 
und Unternehmungsgeist scheint sie, bis auf grelle Ausnahmen, 
verloren zu haben.” 20 

Throughout his works there constantly recurs the remark 

19 Book III, Vol. I, p. 172 f. 

20 Werke, 1872, VIII, 324. 


CONCLUSION 


121 


that love is egotistic, that it tends to deprive man of his freedom 
and initiative, that it stunts his intellectual and spiritual growth. 
In the historical tragedy Wullenweber, Gutzkow’s views are 
put into the mouth of Meta Wullenweber, who, however, is a 
notable exception to the rule, proclaiming her unselfish love 
for Markus Meyer: “ Sollt’ ich’s denn mit dem Markus machen, 
wie’s die jungen Madchen alle tun? Ich hab’ dir meine Liebe 
geschenkt, nun will ich aber auch, dass du keinen andern 
Gedanken hast als bloss mich, dass du mein armselig Ich, das 
eben von der Puppe und vom Ringeltanz kommt, immer und 
immer auf dem Schoss haltst und dein schon frei Leben dazu 
verschwendest, mich, nur mich vergnugt zu machen! Ei, die 
leidige Liebe, die wunder was Grosses zu tun glaubt, wenn sie 
sich fur ihre paar goldenen Herzenspfennige ein ganzes 
Konigreich von Freiheit und Lebenslust von dem geliebten 
Mann einschachert! ” 21 

Egon’s scathing comment on Helene’s love in Die Ritter vom 
Geist is particularly noteworthy: “ Eine solche Liebe bleibt 
egoistisch. Sie klammert sich wie die zartliche Umarmung der 
Schlingpflanze an uns an, will anfangs nur lieben, dienen, ge- 
horchen, und bald ist uns das Mark der Seele, das Wachstum 
unserer Zweige ausgesogen, wir verdorren und sind nur noch 
der Schatten unserer selbst! ” 22 Contrasted with this selfish 
love is the ideal relationship between Dankmar and Selma, of 
which Dankmar writes to his brother: “ Das ist eben das 
Wesen einer gesunden und reinen Liebe, dass sie uns nichts 
von unserm Besten nimmt. . . 23 

Gutzkow’s conception of marriage may be briefly stated in 
Schlachtenmaler’s paradoxical answer to his father Blasedow’s 
question as to his ideas of love: “ Dass die Ehe zwar zu ver- 

21 Houben, W., Ill, p. 206. 

22 Gensel, W., XIV, 197. 

23 Ibid., XV, 335. 


122 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

meiden, aber nicht zu umgehen ist.” 24 Gutzkow never advo¬ 
cated abolition of marriage; indeed, we have noted his positive 
pronouncement that marriage is one of the pillars of civiliza¬ 
tion. 25 But he fully realized that marriage as constituted was 
far from perfect and presented some grave problems. The chief 
difficulty, he believed, was not in the institution of marriage 
as such, but was due to the character of the contracting parties 
and could only be remedied by an improvement in the quality 
of love which leads to marriage. His attitude is clearly stated 
in the Sakularbilder: “Wenn wir auf mangelhafte Ehever- 
haltnisse stossen, so sind diese nur die Folge eines Versehens, 
das schon im vorhergegangenen Stande der Liebe begangen 
wurde. Die Schriftsteller sollten weit mehr uber diese nach- 
denken und die begleitenden Umstande der Aussenwelt 
erwagen, als dass sie sich in metaphysische Spitzfindigkeiten 
uber die Ehe einlassen und wohl auf Formen des Barbarismus 
hinauskommen.” 26 Although Gutzkow then proceeds to up¬ 
braid those authors who add to the confusion by picturing 
matrimonial discord, the great majority of marriages in his 
own works are unhappy ones. Typical examples are those 
of Blasedow in the novel under that title, of Justizrat Schlurck, 
Pastor Stromer, and the parents of the brothers Wildungen 
in Die Ritter vom Geist, and of Bonaventura’s parents and the 
Oberst von Hiilleshoven in Der Zanberer von Rom. 

Gutzkow believes that similarity of ideals and temperament 
is essential for a happy and lasting union. 27 Of equal im¬ 
portance is mutual consideration and respect. 28 Where, how¬ 
ever, the hearts are not united by the magnetic power of love, 

24 Werke, 1845, VIII, 175- 

25 Cf. Chap. Ill, p. 105. 

26 Werke, 1872, VIII, 325. 

27 Die Nihilisten. Houben, W., VI, 318. 

28 Ibid., 316. 


CONCLUSION 


123 


marriage becomes “an intolerable limitation of our personal 
freedom.” 29 

Our author has no general panacea for the shortcomings 
of marriage. He makes different suggestions at various times 
for the correction of evils that tend to destroy the more ideal 
elements in the institution of marriage. Thus in the Vorrede 
he makes an impassioned appeal for the liberation of marriage 
from the authority of the church. At other times he inveighs 
against marriages of convenience, 30 or deplores the levity with 
which marriages are contracted. In the Unterhaltungen am 
hauslichen Herd, for instance, he reviews, under the heading 
“ Ehe- und Wehestand,” a popular discussion of marriage in 
the Illustriertes Haus- und Familien Lexikon, and begins his 
review as follows: “Der wichtigste und schwierigste aller 
Stande im Menschenleben, bei dem selbst die Weisheit des 
Apostels Paulus unentschieden geblieben, ob er seinen Schiilern 
dazu oder davon raten sollte, ist der Ehestand. Und doch 
wird kein Stand in der Welt im allgemeinen leichtfertiger und 
unbesonnener angetreten, als gerade dieser.” 31 

Gutzkow seems to approve of divorce, judging from a passage 
in Der Zauberer von Rom, where Countess Erdmuthe von 
Salem-Camphausen discusses this question with Baroness 
Monika von Hiilleshoven: “Fast alles, was uns die Apostel, 
ohnehin Sendboten des Herrn ohne Herd, ohne Familie, uber 
die Ehe raten, gehort den weisen Ratschlagen an. . . . Da die 
Ehescheidung nicht wider den Geist Gottes, sondern nur gegen 
die apostolische Weisheit geht, so ist sie auch keine Siinde. 
Der Apostel sagt es ja selbst: ‘ Solches sage ich euch aus 
Vergunst, nicht aus Gebot.’ Es sind—Vorschlage a discretion. 
Auch spricht Paulus uber die Frauen leider wie aus eigener 

29 Die Sohne Pestalozzis, Berlin, 1870, I, 60. 

30 Cf. Sdkularbilder. Werke, 1872, VIII, 325. 

31 1862, Dritte Folge, Vol. II, Nr. 15, p. 292. 


124 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

bitterer Erfahruug und wie aus einem beinahe weltlichen 
Geist. Fest aber steht des Allmachtigen Wort: 4 Es ist nicht 
gut, dass der Mensch allein sei! ’ ” 32 

Finally it is worth noting that he seems to approve even 
of a sort of trial marriage as preferable to the untold suffering 
and despair of ill-matched couples. In the Telegraph fur 
Deutschland, in the column of “ Miscellanies,” he mentions 
Goethe’s suggestion that every marriage should last only five 
years, and that thereafter both parties are to decide whether 
they wish to continue “ das Geschaft.” He adds: “ Kame 
dieser Vorschlag zur Ausfiihrung, so ware man wenigstens 
davor sicher, dass sich die Ehegatten aus Riicksicht auf das 
Missliche einer Ehescheidung ihr ganzes Lebenlang gegen- 
seitig qualen und oft zum Elend leben.” 33 
As a final judgment of his own married life, there is the 
extremely significant statement in his Riickblicke, with refer¬ 
ence to Eduard Bauernfeld, that for an author celibacy is the 
wisest choice. 34 

32 Book IV, Vol. I, p. 75- 

33 January, 1841, No. 3. 

Houben, W., XI, 318. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


In the following bibliography only those works appear which 

have been cited in text and notes. 

Bartels, Adolf: Handbuch zur Geschichte der deutschen Lite- 
ratur, Leipzig, 1909. 

Bergmann, Ernst: Die ethischen Probleme in den Jugend- 
schriften der Jungdeutschen, Diss., Leipzig, 1906. 

Biedermann, Karl: “ Die junge Literatur und ihr Prinzip in 
der Reform des Geschlechtsverhaltnisses.” Hallische 
Jahrbucher , 1838, No. 176-182. 

Bloesch, Hans: Das junge Deutschland in seinen Beziehungen 
zu Frankreich, Bern, 1903. 

Brandes, Georg: Das junge Deutschland , Ubersetzt von A. 
v. d. Linden, 9. Auflage, Berlin, 1904. 

Caselmann, August: Karl Gutzkows Stellung zu den religibs- 
ethischen Problemen seiner Zeit, Augsburg, 1900. 

Dresch, J.: Gutzkow et la Jeune Allemagne, Paris, 1904. 

Franzos, Karl Emil: “ Gutzkows Therese,” Deutsche Dich- 
tung, Vol. XV, 1893-1894. 

Friedrich, Hans: Die religionsphilosophischen, soziologischen 
und politischen Elemente in den Prosadichtungen des 
jungen Deutschlands, Diss., Leipzig, 1907. 

Geiger, Ludwig: Das junge Deutschland und die preussische 
Censur, Berlin, 1900. 

Gohler, Rudolf: “ Dingelstedt und Gutzkow,” Deutsche Rund¬ 
schau■, Vol. CLIX, 1914. 

Gottschall, Rudolf von: Die deutsche Nationallyeratur des 19. 
Jahrhunderts, Breslau, 1902. 

Gutzkow, Karl: Gesammelte Werke, 13 vols., Frankfurt a.M., 
1845. 


125 


126 WOMAN IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF GUTZKOW 

- Gesammelte Werke, 12 vols., Jena, no date (1872- 

I876). 

_ Dramatische Werke, Vierte Gesammtausgabe, Jena, 

1881. 

- Ausgewdhlte Werke, 12 vols., edited by Heinrich Hubert 

Houben, Max Hesses Verlag, Leipzig, no date. 

_ Gutzkows Werke, Auswahl in zwolf Teilen, edited by 

Reinhold Gensel, Deutsches Verlagshaus Bong & Co., 
Berlin, Leipzig, Wien, Stuttgart, no date. 

- Fritz Ellrodt, 3 vols., Jena, 1872. 

__ Konig Saul, Trauerspiel in fiinf Aufziigen, Hamburg, 

1839. 

- Maha Guru, Stuttgart und Tubingen, 1833. 

- Die neuen Serapionsbriider, 3 vols., Breslau, 1877. 

_ Die Ritter vom Geist, 3 vols., Erganzung zur Auswahl 

ini zwdlf Teilen, (Bd. 13-15),, edited by Reinhold 
Gensel. 

- Skizzenbuch, Cassel und Leipzig, 1839. 

- Die Sohne Pestalozzis, 3 vols., Berlin, 1870. 

- Vor- und Nach-Mdrzliches, Leipzig, 1850. 

_ Wally, die Zweiflerin, Kritische Ausgabe von Eugen 

Wolff, Jena, 1905. 

-- Der Zauberer von Rom, 3* Auflage, 9 Books, Leipzig, 

1869. 

Gutzkow, Karl (editor) : Forum der Journal-Literatur, Berlin, 
1831. 

- Liter at urblatt zum Phonix, Frankfurt a.M., 1835. 

- Der Telegraph fur Deutschland, Hamburg, 1838—1843. 

- Unterhaltungen am hduslichen Herd, Leipzig, 1852— 

1862. 

Houben, H. H.: Emil Devrient, Frankfurt a.M., 1903. 

-“ Eine Freundin Karl Gutzkows/* Hamburger Nach- 

richten, July 14-15, 1901. 




















BIBLIOGRAPHY 


127 


- Gutzkow-Funde, Berlin, 1901. 

- Jungdeutscher Sturm und Drang, Leipzig, 1911. 

-“ Karl Gutzkows Frauen in Leben und Dichtung,” 

Veihagen und Klasings Monatshefte, 1910-1911, Vol. 
2, pp. 609-616. 

- Studien iiber die Dramen Karl Gutzkows, Jena, 1899. 

-“ Therese,” National-Zeitung, July, 1904, Sonntags- 

Beilage, No. 27. 

Kuh, Emil: Biographie Friedrich Hebbels, Wien und Leipzig, 
2. Auflage, 1907. 

Kurz, Heinrich: Geschichte der deutschen Literatur, Leipzig, 
1881. 

Leixner, Otto von: Geschichte der deutschen Literatur, Leipzig, 
1899. 

Lichtenberger, Henri: Henri Heine Penseur, Paris, 1905. 

Metis, Eduard: Karl Gutzkow als Dramatiker, Stuttgart, 1915. 

Muller, Peter: Beitrdge zur Wiirdigung von Karl Gutzkow als 
Lustspieldichter, Diss., Marburg, 1910. 

Nolle, Karl: Heinrich Laube als sozialer und politischer 
Schriftsteller, Diss., Munster, 1914. 

Proelss, Johannes Moritz: Das junge Deutschland, Stuttgart, 
1892. 

Schiicking, Levin: Lebenserinnerungen, Breslau, 1886. 

Der Telegraph: edited by Dr. Eduard Beurmann, Frankfurt 
a.M., July-Dee., 1837. 

Treitschke, Heinrich von: Deutsche Geschichte im 19. Jahr- 
hundert, Leipzig, 1889. 

Veit, Moritz: Saint Simon und der Saintsimonismus, Leipzig, 
1834. 

Wehl, Feodor: Das junge Deutschland, Hamburg, 1886. 

- Zeit und Menschen, Altona, 1889. 

Weill, Alexander: Briefe hervorragender verstorbener Manner 
Deutschlands, Zurich, 1889. 








VITA 




The author of this monograph was born Nov. 5, 1890, in 
Ocheyedan, Iowa. His secondary education and part of his 
collegiate training was obtained in Concordia College, Ft. 
Wayne, Ind., and in Concordia Seminary, St. Louis, Mo. 
Entering the University of Illinois as a Senior, he was gradu¬ 
ated from that institution in 1913 with the degree of A.B. 
The following year he was appointed University Scholar in 
German and derived much inspiration from the teaching of 
Professor Julius Goebel and Professor O. E. Lessing. The 
A.M. degree was conferred upon him in I 9 J 4 * He attended 
the Summer Session at the University of Michigan in 1913 and 
at the University of Wisconsin in I 9 X 4 - From 1914-1916 he 
was Instructor of German in Case School of Applied Science, 
Cleveland, Ohio. As Carl Schurz Fellow in German he con¬ 
tinued his graduate studies in 1916-1917 in Columbia Univer¬ 
sity under Professor Calvin Thomas and Professor A. F. J. 
Remy. After serving as Master in the Riverdale Country 
School, Riverdale, N. Y., during the winter term and as In¬ 
structor of German in Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine, in 
the spring semester of the following year, he was called to the 
colors in May, 1918, and discharged in November of the same 
year. In the fall of 1919 he was appointed Lecturer in German 
in Columbia University, which position he still holds at the 
present time. The year 1921-1922 was spent traveling in Ger¬ 
many, where, as an “ auditor ” in the University of Berlin, 
during the winter semester, he attended lectures by Professors 
Roethe and Petersen. The writer’s master’s thesis, “ Karl 
Heinzen, Reformer, Poet and Literary Critic,” was published 
in the Deutsch-Amerikanische Geschichtsblatter, Jahrbuch der 
Deutsch-Amerikanischen Historischen Gesellschaft von Illi¬ 
nois, Vol. XV. 


128 








\ 
































































V 






!- 













































































































. 
































































































■ 




















































Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process. 
Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide 
Treatment Date: Feb. 2013 

PreservationTechnologies 

A WORLD LEADER IN COLLECTIONS PRESERVATION 

111 Thomson Park Drive 
Cranberry Township, PA 16066 
(724) 779-2111 






• v 























































l 




. 















































. . ■ 

. 
























































